Korea, Selatan - Sejarah

Korea, Selatan - Sejarah

A. Kebebasan Bergaul dan Hak untuk Perundingan Bersama

Undang-undang memperuntukkan hak pekerja untuk membentuk dan bergabung dengan serikat pekerja bebas, melakukan mogok undang-undang, dan tawar-menawar secara kolektif, tetapi batasan tertentu berlaku untuk pegawai dan guru awam. Keputusan Mahkamah Agung 2015 mengesahkan hak semua pekerja migran, termasuk pekerja tanpa dokumen, untuk membentuk atau bergabung dengan sebuah kesatuan.

Undang-undang meletakkan beberapa sekatan pada kemampuan kesatuan untuk mengatur pentadbiran mereka, termasuk menyekat kemampuan pemimpin kesatuan pekerja untuk menerima bayaran untuk masa yang dihabiskan untuk kerja kesatuan. Undang-undang yang melarang pekerja pendidikan terlibat dalam kegiatan politik tertentu, seperti bergabung dengan parti politik atau secara terbuka menyokong parti politik atau calon, juga membatasi kemampuan serikat pekerja untuk mengadopsi kedudukan mereka. Undang-undang juga melarang pekerja yang diberhentikan daripada menjadi anggota kesatuan.

Undang-undang membatasi hak untuk mogok, khususnya bagi pekerja dalam "layanan penting." Perkhidmatan penting didefinisikan secara meluas dan merangkumi perkhidmatan seperti jalan kereta api, pengangkutan udara, komunikasi, bekalan air dan utiliti lain, dan hospital. Oleh undang-undang, kesatuan pekerja dalam industri perkhidmatan penting mungkin diminta untuk mengekalkan perkhidmatan 50 peratus. Individu yang ditetapkan sebagai mustahak oleh pihak pengurusan, dengan input dari kesatuan pekerja, tidak boleh menyerang. Undang-undang ini juga melarang pemogokan oleh pegawai pemerintah nasional dan daerah, dengan beberapa pengecualian untuk pegawai negeri tertentu.

Oleh undang-undang, kesatuan mesti mengemukakan permintaan untuk mediasi kepada Suruhanjaya Perhubungan Buruh Nasional (NLRC) sebelum mogok; jika tidak, mogok itu tidak sah. Teguran yang dimulakan selepas tempoh ini adalah sah sekiranya mereka mendapat sokongan majoriti dari keanggotaan kesatuan. Undang-undang melarang mogok ketika perselisihan disebut arbitrase yang mengikat.

Undang-undang ini menerapkan penafsiran sempit mengenai "perselisihan buruh", yang membuat teguran terhadap banyak isu yang berada di bawah kendali pengurus, seperti pengurangan dan pemberhentian pekerja, tidak sah. Mogok yang tidak secara khusus berkaitan dengan keadaan buruh, upah, faedah, atau waktu kerja juga dianggap tidak sah. Pihak berkepentingan menyatakan bahawa prosedur mogok terlalu membebankan.

Undang-undang mengizinkan pekerja untuk mengajukan aduan mengenai amalan buruh yang tidak adil terhadap majikan yang mengganggu organisasi pekerja atau yang mendiskriminasi anggota kesatuan pekerja. NLRC mungkin memerlukan majikan untuk mengembalikan pekerja yang dipecat kerana aktiviti kesatuan pekerja. Undang-undang melarang pembalasan terhadap pekerja yang melakukan mogok hukum. Organisasi buruh menyatakan bahawa ketidakupayaan pegawai kesatuan pekerja sepenuh masa untuk menerima upah dan syarat pendaftaran yang membebankan bagi individu yang terlibat dalam tawar menawar melindungi undang-undang secara berkesan terhadap amalan buruh yang tidak adil.

Umumnya pemerintah menegakkan undang-undang yang berkaitan dengan kebebasan berserikat, perundingan bersama, dan tindakan kolektif (yang merangkumi teguran undang-undang). Majikan yang melanggar peraturan mengenai amalan pekerja yang tidak adil boleh dipenjara atau didenda). Di samping itu, majikan boleh dihukum kerana mengabaikan perintah NLRC untuk mengembalikan pekerja. Undang-undang menetapkan hukuman, dalam bentuk denda atau penjara, terhadap majikan yang menolak atau mengabaikan untuk menerima permintaan sah kesatuan pekerja untuk tawar-menawar. Undang-undang juga menghukum kegiatan mogok haram dengan hukuman penjara atau denda), tergantung pada kesalahan tersebut.

Banyak organisasi buruh umumnya beroperasi tanpa campur tangan pemerintah; namun, pihak berkepentingan menyatakan pemerintah menggunakan peruntukan undang-undang jenayah yang terlalu luas, termasuk peruntukan "halangan perniagaan", untuk membenarkan pendakwaan jenayah dan tindakan ekstrim lain terhadap pemimpin serikat pekerja untuk menekan mogok.

Pada bulan Mei panel kedua Mahkamah Agung menolak rayuan lebih lanjut oleh presiden Gabungan Kesatuan Sekerja Korea, Han Sang-gyun, atas sabitannya pada Julai 2016 atas enam, yang kebanyakannya berkaitan dengan halangan. Tuduhan tersebut timbul dari peranannya dalam menganjurkan "People's Rally" November 2015 yang mengakibatkan cedera kepada 76 anggota Polis Nasional Korea, halangan tugas awam 32 anggota polis, dan kerusakan pada 43 bas polis dan 138 keping peralatan, termasuk polisi yang robek pakaian seragam dan rompi. Han pertama kali dihukum penjara lima tahun dan denda 500,000 won ($ 430). Ini dikurangkan atas rayuan hingga tiga tahun penjara dan denda 500,000 won ($ 444), yang dijatuhkan hukuman oleh Mahkamah Agung.

NGO dan pakar buruh menyatakan hukuman satu tahun adalah kebiasaan dalam beberapa tahun kebelakangan ini kerana memimpin demonstrasi buruh, dan media tempatan yang progresif menyatakan hukuman Han adalah "hukuman paling keras bagi penganjur demonstrasi sejak pendemokrasian negara itu pada tahun 1987." Pelapor Khas PBB menyatakan keprihatinannya tentang "kecenderungan kemunduran secara bertahap terhadap hak kebebasan berhimpun secara damai dan bersatu," dalam lawatannya pada Januari 2016.

Dalam laporannya pada bulan Jun 2016, Pelapor Khas PBB mencatat contoh amalan antiunion oleh syarikat, termasuk: mendorong pembentukan kesatuan yang disokong oleh pengurusan; merosakkan kesatuan pekerja melalui pelbagai cara termasuk pengawasan, ancaman, dan tekanan yang tidak wajar terhadap anggota; subkontrak tersembunyi untuk mengelakkan tanggungjawab majikan terpilih dan pemecatan anggota; memecat pemimpin dan pekerja kesatuan berikutan tindakan mogok; dan menugaskan pemimpin kesatuan pekerja yang merendahkan pekerjaan untuk menurunkan semangat mereka. Dia menyatakan bahawa majikan didakwa menggunakan firma perunding hubungan buruh untuk mendapatkan nasihat yang memudahkan hak hak kesatuan sekerja terhakis. Gabungan Kesatuan Sekerja Antarabangsa menyatakan kebimbangan yang serupa sepanjang tahun ini, termasuk majikan yang memaksakan pilihan kesatuan pekerja buruh dan diskriminasi terhadap pekerja yang bersatu di kilang kereta.

Sehingga September 2016, Kesatuan Sekerja Migran (MTU) mempunyai kira-kira 1,200 anggota. Pada tahun pertamanya sebagai sebuah kesatuan yang diiktiraf, MTU telah mengadakan kempen dan latihan untuk pekerja. Ia juga menggerakkan anggota untuk menganjurkan kenaikan gaji minimum dan keadaan kerja yang lebih baik. Walaupun begitu, pekerja asing yang tidak berdokumen masih menghadapi kesukaran untuk menyertai aktiviti kesatuan kerana takut mendedahkan diri mereka kepada penangkapan dan pengusiran.

B. Larangan Kerja Paksa atau Wajib

Undang-undang melarang dan mengkriminalisasi semua bentuk kerja paksa atau wajib.

Umumnya pemerintah menguatkuasakan undang-undang dengan berkesan. Hukuman untuk kerja paksa adalah setimpal dengan hukuman untuk jenayah berat yang lain dan pemerintah menyatakan mereka cukup untuk mencegah pelanggaran.

Terdapat laporan bahawa beberapa pekerja migran dikenakan kerja paksa. Pekerja migran yang pergi ke negara ini untuk pekerjaan kadang-kadang menanggung hutang beribu-ribu dolar, menjadikan mereka rentan terhadap ikatan hutang. Sebilangan pekerja migran di industri pertanian, penternakan, dan perikanan menghadapi keadaan yang menunjukkan adanya buruh paksa, termasuk praktik merekrut yang menipu, penyitaan pasport, dan tidak membayar upah.

Kementerian Pekerjaan dan Tenaga Kerja (MOEL) melaporkan penyitaan paspor "jarang" disebabkan oleh peningkatan kesedaran majikan bahawa ini merupakan pelanggaran Undang-Undang Pengendalian Imigrasi. Kumpulan masyarakat sipil dan pusat pekerja asing menjelaskan bahawa, walaupun penyitaan haram semakin tidak biasa, banyak pekerja asing tanpa sadar menandatangani dokumen yang memberi kebenaran kepada majikan untuk mendapatkan pasport dan bentuk pengenalan lain bagi pihak mereka; oleh itu, banyak masalah yang berkaitan dengan penyitaan pasport masih belum dapat diatasi.

Laporan Amnesty International 2015/16 menyatakan bahawa sangat sukar bagi pekerja migran untuk mencari pekerjaan alternatif di bawah syarat Sistem Permit Pekerjaan (EPS) walaupun mereka mengalami eksploitasi atau penyalahgunaan oleh majikan mereka dan menyoroti keadaan buruk bagi pekerja migran di pertanian (lihat bahagian 7.d.), termasuk syarat-syarat yang menunjukkan kerja paksa.

Media melaporkan bunuh diri adalah penyebab utama kematian pekerja migran diikuti dengan kemalangan industri, penyakit, dan kemalangan kereta. Menurut Gabungan Kesatuan Sekerja Korea, sejak pelaksanaan EPS pada tahun 2007, 36 pekerja migran Nepal telah membunuh diri. Jumlah ini merangkumi sembilan pekerja migran Nepal yang membunuh diri pada tahun 2015, tujuh pada 2016, dan lima pada bulan Ogos. Sebab-sebab bunuh diri yang dinyatakan termasuk kemurungan, kerja berlebihan, dan elaun tambahan yang tidak dibayar.

Lihat juga Jabatan Negara Laporan Pemerdagangan Orang di www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/.

C. Larangan Pekerja Anak dan Umur Minimum untuk Pekerjaan

Undang-undang melarang pengambilan pekerja di bawah umur 15 tahun tanpa sijil kebenaran dari MOEL. Pihak berkuasa mengeluarkan beberapa sijil seperti itu untuk pekerjaan sepenuh masa kerana pendidikan adalah wajib melalui sekolah menengah (kira-kira usia 15 tahun). Untuk mendapatkan pekerjaan, kanak-kanak di bawah 18 tahun mesti mendapatkan kelulusan bertulis dari ibu bapa atau penjaga. Menurut undang-undang buruh, majikan di industri yang dianggap berbahaya atau berbahaya dari segi etika atau kesihatan dilarang menggaji anak di bawah 18 tahun dan boleh dikenakan denda atau penjara. Pemeriksaan dan hukuman mencukupi untuk memastikan pematuhan. Pemerintah melaporkan dua pelanggaran undang-undang pekerja anak pada tahun hingga November.

Terdapat beberapa laporan eksploitasi seksual komersial kanak-kanak (lihat bahagian 6, "Kanak-kanak").

D. Diskriminasi Mengenai Pekerjaan dan Pekerjaan

Perlembagaan dan undang-undang melarang diskriminasi dalam pekerjaan berdasarkan bangsa, jantina, kecacatan, orientasi seksual, dan status sosial. Undang-undang menyatakan tidak boleh ada diskriminasi dalam kehidupan ekonomi, sosial, atau budaya berdasarkan jenis kelamin, agama, atau status sosial. Undang-undang secara tegas melarang diskriminasi pekerjaan berdasarkan usia, kondisi fizikal, kampung halaman, pendidikan, status perkahwinan, kehamilan, kewarganegaraan, atau riwayat perubatan. Tidak ada undang-undang yang secara tegas melarang diskriminasi berdasarkan warna, pendapat politik, bahasa, atau HIV atau status penyakit berjangkit lainnya.

Undang-undang menghendaki gaji yang sama untuk pekerjaan yang sama ketika lelaki dan wanita melakukan pekerjaan yang bernilai sama dalam perniagaan yang sama. Undang-undang buruh pada umumnya memberikan perlindungan undang-undang kepada pekerja migran asing yang sama dengan warga negara, tetapi pemerintah tidak secara efektif menerapkan undang-undang tersebut.

Tidak ada mekanisme yang komprehensif untuk menegakkan semua ketentuan ini jika terjadi diskriminasi.

Diskriminasi berlaku terhadap orang dengan HIV / AID, wanita, orang kurang upaya dan pekerja migran.

Diskriminasi terhadap wanita dalam pengambilan dan pekerjaan berterusan. Wanita terus mengalami jurang gaji, dan peratusan wanita yang lebih tinggi memenuhi pekerjaan kontrak dengan gaji rendah, berkemahiran rendah. Wanita sering menghadapi kesukaran untuk kembali ke tempat kerja setelah melahirkan. Menurut Kementerian Gender dan Kesaksamaan, pada bulan Julai hampir tujuh daripada 10 daripada 500 syarikat teratas di negara ini didapati tidak mempunyai wanita di peringkat eksekutif.

Pusat Kaunseling Menentang Kekerasan Seksual di Busan, bandar kedua terbesar di negara ini, yang dibiayai oleh Kementerian Kesetaraan Gender dan Keluarga, pada 25 Ogos mendedahkan bahawa jumlah kes gangguan seksual meningkat dua kali ganda menjadi 1,038 pada 2016 daripada 536 kes pada tahun 2015.

Undang-undang tidak termasuk "mereka yang jelas tidak memiliki kemampuan untuk bekerja." Pada tahun 2014 Jawatankuasa PBB mengenai Hak Orang Kurang Upaya menyatakan kebimbangannya bahawa banyak orang kurang upaya yang bekerja, terutama mereka yang kurang upaya psikososial, mendapat pampasan di bawah gaji minimum. Seseorang kurang upaya yang bekerja untuk mana-mana syarikat dengan 50 pekerja sepenuh masa boleh meminta penginapan yang berpatutan, seperti waktu kerja yang disesuaikan, dan penolakan permintaan tersebut boleh menjadi diskriminasi. Menurut laporan terbaru Agensi Pekerjaan Korea untuk Orang Kurang Upaya, pada Mei 2016, kira-kira satu setengah dari anggaran 1.36 juta orang yang berumur antara 15 hingga 64 tahun dengan orang kurang upaya telah bekerja.

Ramai pekerja migran menghadapi diskriminasi dan keadaan kerja yang sukar. Tempoh maksimum tinggal di bawah EPS adalah empat tahun dan 10 bulan, hanya di bawah lima tahun yang diperlukan untuk memohon tinggal tetap. Sebilangan NGO dan kumpulan masyarakat sivil menegaskan ini secara eksplisit mengecualikan pekerja asing dari kediaman tetap atau kelayakan kewarganegaraan. Laporan Amnesty International 2015-16 menyatakan syarat EPS menjadikan pekerja sukar untuk mencari pekerjaan alternatif walaupun mereka mengalami eksploitasi atau penyalahgunaan oleh majikan mereka (lihat bahagian 7.b. dan 7.e.).

Undang-undang melarang diskriminasi terhadap pekerja tidak formal atau tidak tetap (mereka yang tidak mempunyai pekerjaan tetap, tetap dan yang tidak mendapat faedah pada tahap yang sama dengan pekerja tetap) dan mengharuskan penukaran mereka yang bekerja lebih dari dua tahun ke status tetap. Meskipun demikian, pekerja subkontrak (dikenal sebagai "pekerja yang dikirim") dan pekerja sementara terdiri lebih dari seperlima pekerja upah dalam angkatan kerja dan menghadapi keadaan kerja yang diskriminatif dengan alasan jenis pekerjaan.

NGO dan media tempatan melaporkan pekerja tidak tetap berisiko lebih tinggi untuk diskriminasi kerana statusnya (lihat bahagian 7.e.).

E. Syarat Kerja yang Boleh Diterima

Pada bulan Julai, kerajaan menaikkan gaji minimum sebanyak 16.4 peratus kepada 7.530 won ($ 6.49) sejam untuk tahun 2018, menandakan kenaikan terbesar dalam hampir dua dekad. Seseorang yang membuat gaji minimum selama seminggu selama 40 jam akan memperoleh pendapatan yang jauh lebih rendah daripada kos sara hidup bulanan minimum untuk keluarga empat orang, menurut Kementerian Kesihatan dan Kesejahteraan.

Undang-undang membenarkan sistem yang fleksibel di mana pekerja boleh bekerja lebih dari lapan jam pada hari-hari tertentu atau lebih dari 40 jam seminggu selama minggu-minggu tertentu, selagi rata-rata waktu kerja mingguan untuk mana-mana tempoh dua minggu tidak melebihi 40. Untuk majikan yang menggunakan sistem yang fleksibel, jumlah melebihi 40 jam merupakan kerja lebih masa. Syarikat asing yang beroperasi di zona pemprosesan eksport dikecualikan dari peraturan tenaga kerja yang mewajibkan satu hari rehat seminggu, seperti hujung minggu, juga disebut sebagai "rehat mingguan." Undang-undang ini mengehadkan kerja lembur pekerja biasa hingga 12 jam seminggu untuk melindungi kesihatan pekerja.

Kerajaan menetapkan standard kesihatan dan keselamatan pekerjaan dan bertanggungjawab untuk memantau kepatuhan industri. Di bawah undang-undang, pekerja berhak untuk melepaskan diri dari situasi bahaya tanpa membahayakan pekerjaan mereka. Piawaian ini berlaku untuk semua sektor, termasuk pertanian, perikanan, dan perlombongan.

Kerajaan menguatkuasakan undang-undang mengenai upah dan syarat kerja yang dapat diterima untuk semua sektor. Hukuman untuk pelanggaran ketentuan keselamatan dan kesihatan pekerjaan dan peraturan lembur termasuk penjara dan denda. Ini cukup untuk mencegah pelanggaran; pemerintah melaporkan penurunan lebih dari 25 persen atas dakwaan pelanggaran dari tahun 2015 hingga 2016. Pemerintah melakukan pemeriksaan buruh secara proaktif, menurut peraturan, dan secara reaktif, dalam sebulan setelah kemalangan terjadi. MOEL melakukan pemeriksaan di tempat pada separuh kedua 2016 dan mendapati pelanggaran di 86.8 peratus tempat kerja. Organisasi Buruh Antarabangsa bagaimanapun, memperhatikan bahawa jumlah pemeriksa buruh tidak mencukupi dan bahawa pemeriksaan tanpa pemberitahuan jarang berlaku. Kerajaan juga mengadakan program pendidikan untuk mencegah kemalangan.

Satu set peraturan menggariskan perlindungan undang-undang untuk pekerja migran (yang berada di bawah EPS) dan pekerja asing (semua yang lain). Pemegang izin boleh bekerja hanya di industri tertentu dan mempunyai mobiliti pekerjaan yang terbatas, tetapi kebanyakan menikmati perlindungan yang sama di bawah undang-undang buruh dengan warganegara. Pekerja kontrak, pekerja tidak tetap, dan pekerja sambilan menyumbang sebahagian besar tenaga kerja, terutama dalam sektor elektronik, automotif, dan perkhidmatan.

Pekerja di bawah EPS menghadapi banyak sekatan terhadap mobiliti pekerjaan. Pekerja sedemikian kehilangan status undang-undang mereka sekiranya mereka kehilangan pekerjaan dan tidak mencari majikan baru dalam masa tiga bulan. Sekiranya pekerja migran tidak dapat memperoleh pekerjaan dalam masa tiga bulan, pihak berkuasa boleh membatalkan izin kerjanya, memaksa pekerja tersebut untuk pulang atau tinggal di negara ini secara haram. Keadaan ini amat sukar bagi pekerja bermusim, seperti mereka yang terlibat dalam pertanian atau pembinaan. Pekerja migran tidak memiliki akses ke senarai syarikat yang mengambil pekerja ketika mereka ingin menukar pekerjaan, yang menyukarkan pekerja ini untuk menukar pekerjaan dengan bebas. Majikan secara efektif mengendalikan senarai pekerja yang mencari pekerjaan dan berhak menghubungi orang yang mereka pilih. Buruh migran diwajibkan pulang ke rumah setelah maksimum empat tahun 10 bulan di negara ini tetapi boleh memohon masuk semula setelah tiga bulan.

Untuk mencegah pelanggaran dan memperbaiki keadaan kerja bagi pekerja asing dan asing, pemerintah memberikan latihan pra-pekerjaan kepada pekerja asing yang baru tiba, latihan penyesuaian tempat kerja kepada mereka yang menukar tempat kerja, dan latihan kepada majikan yang mengupah pekerja asing. Pemerintah membiayai 42 Pusat Sokongan Pekerja Asing di seluruh negara, sebuah pusat panggilan yang menyediakan pekerja kaunseling dengan 15 bahasa, program bahasa dan budaya Korea, tempat tinggal, dan layanan perawatan kesihatan percuma. MOEL meneruskan program untuk pekerja asing, termasuk nasihat undang-undang, kaunseling, perkhidmatan terjemahan percuma, pemeriksaan kesihatan dalam bahasa ibunda mereka, dan penubuhan beberapa pusat perlindungan hak asasi manusia untuk orang asing.

MOEL bekerjasama dengan Kementerian Kehakiman dan Kementerian Kesetaraan Gender dan Keluarga, telah menubuhkan 16 Pusat Keluarga dan Migran Multikultural untuk menyediakan pekerja servis sehenti (termasuk perkhidmatan imigrasi, kebajikan dan pendidikan) kepada pekerja asing, pekerja asing, dan sebagainya. ).

Undang-undang mengharuskan pembayaran pesangon kepada pekerja migran yang meninggalkan negara yang bekerja selama sekurang-kurangnya satu tahun. Namun, banyak pekerja melaporkan kesukaran untuk menerima pembayaran setelah kembali ke negara asal kerana peraturan perbankan dan majikan yang tidak senonoh. NGO melaporkan bahawa banyak migran yang berlepas tidak pernah menerima pembayaran ini.

Beberapa NGO melaporkan pekerja migran sangat rentan terhadap eksploitasi karena undang-undang tersebut tidak termasuk peraturan mengenai jam kerja, cuti, dan tunjangan bagi industri pertanian, peternakan, dan perikanan - industri dengan populasi pekerja migran yang besar. NGO lain melaporkan pekerja asing kadang-kadang menghadapi penderaan fizikal dan eksploitasi oleh majikan dalam bentuk jam kerja yang lebih lama dan upah yang lebih rendah daripada rakan mereka di Korea. Lebih-lebih lagi, menurut NGO, pekerja juga menghadapi perubahan kontrak yang tidak dijangka, seperti pemotongan kos penginapan atau makan dari gaji.

Kerajaan melaporkan keterangan dan statistik mengenai kecederaan dan kematian yang berkaitan dengan pekerjaan setiap suku tahun di laman webnya. Agensi Keselamatan dan Kesihatan Luar Negara Korea melaporkan terdapat 67.651 kemalangan yang berkaitan dengan pekerjaan industri dan 1.512 kematian sehingga September. Pada bulan Mei, enam orang mati dan lebih dari 20 yang lain cedera ketika sebuah kren runtuh di Geoje Shipbuilding Yard dari Samsung Heavy Industries.


Feminisme di Korea Selatan

Feminisme di Korea Selatan adalah asal dan sejarah pergerakan feminisme atau hak wanita di Korea Selatan.

Hak pilih wanita di Korea Selatan termasuk dalam Artikel 11 perlembagaan nasional pada tahun 1948. Perlembagaan mengatakan "semua warga negara harus sama di hadapan undang-undang, dan tidak akan ada diskriminasi dalam kehidupan politik, ekonomi, sosial atau budaya kerana seks, agama atau status sosial. " [1] Gerakan hak asasi feminis atau wanita di Korea Selatan agak baru dibandingkan dengan gerakan feminisme gelombang pertama dan gelombang kedua di dunia Barat. Walaupun perubahan drastik di tempat kerja dan ekonomi telah dilaksanakan sebagai hasil dari perindustrian ekonomi dan globalisasi, ada sedikit perubahan nilai budaya dalam masyarakat Korea Selatan. [2]


Kandungan

Gambaran Keseluruhan

Selepas Perang Korea, Korea Selatan tetap menjadi salah satu negara termiskin di dunia selama lebih dari satu dekad. Pada tahun 1960 produk dalam negara kasar per kapita adalah $ 79. [45] Pertumbuhan sektor industri merupakan rangsangan utama kepada pembangunan ekonomi. Pada tahun 1986, industri perkilangan menyumbang kira-kira 30 peratus daripada produk domestik kasar (KDNK) dan 25 peratus daripada tenaga kerja. Mendapat keuntungan dari dorongan domestik dan bantuan asing, para perindustrian Seoul memperkenalkan teknologi moden ke kemudahan yang usang atau baru dibina dengan cepat, meningkatkan pengeluaran komoditi - terutama yang dijual di pasar asing - dan mendorong hasilnya kembali ke pengembangan industri yang lebih jauh. Akibatnya, industri mengubah landskap negara, menarik jutaan pekerja ke pusat pembuatan bandar.

Kemerosotan ekonomi Korea Selatan pada tahun 1989 disebabkan oleh penurunan eksport dan pesanan asing yang mendadak menyebabkan kebimbangan yang mendalam di sektor industri. Penganalisis Kementerian Perdagangan dan Industri menyatakan bahawa prestasi eksport yang buruk disebabkan oleh masalah struktur yang melekat dalam ekonomi negara, termasuk kemenangan yang terlalu kuat, kenaikan gaji dan kos buruh yang tinggi, mogok yang kerap, dan kadar faedah yang tinggi. Hasilnya adalah peningkatan persediaan dan pengurangan produksi yang teruk di sejumlah pengeluar elektronik, automobil, dan tekstil, serta perusahaan kecil yang memasok komponen tersebut. Sistem automasi kilang diperkenalkan untuk mengurangi ketergantungan pada tenaga kerja, untuk meningkatkan produktivitas dengan tenaga kerja yang jauh lebih kecil, dan untuk meningkatkan daya saing. Dianggarkan lebih daripada dua pertiga pengeluar Korea Selatan menghabiskan lebih separuh daripada dana yang tersedia untuk pelaburan kemudahan untuk automasi.

Pertumbuhan pesat dari tahun 1960-an hingga 1980-an

Dengan rampasan kuasa General Park Chung-hee pada tahun 1961, sebuah kebijakan ekonomi proteksionis dimulai, mendorong borjuasi yang berkembang di bawah bayang-bayang Negara untuk mengaktifkan semula pasaran dalaman. Untuk mempromosikan pembangunan, kebijakan perindustrian berorientasikan eksport diterapkan, menutup masuk ke negara ini semua jenis produk asing, kecuali bahan mentah. Pembaharuan agraria dilakukan dengan perampasan tanpa pampasan dari ladang besar Jepun. General Park menasionalisasi sistem kewangan untuk membengkak lengan negara yang kuat, yang campur tangannya dalam ekonomi melalui rancangan lima tahun. [46]

Puncak peneraju adalah chaebols, konglomerat keluarga yang pelbagai seperti Hyundai, Samsung dan LG Corporation, yang mendapat insentif negara seperti pelepasan cukai, kesahihan sistem eksploitasi hiper mereka dan pembiayaan murah atau percuma: bank negara memfasilitasi perancangan pinjaman tertumpu mengikut item mengikut setiap rancangan lima tahun, dan mengikut kumpulan ekonomi yang dipilih untuk memimpinnya.

Sehingga tahun 1961, Korea Selatan menerima sumbangan 3100 juta dolar dari Amerika Syarikat, angka yang sangat tinggi buat masa ini, suatu keistimewaan kerana berada di perbatasan paling panas Perang Dingin. Dasar sokongan ekonomi dan ketenteraan asing ini berterusan selama beberapa dekad. Chaebols mula menguasai ekonomi domestik dan akhirnya menjadi kompetitif di peringkat antarabangsa. Pekerja melihat gaji dan keadaan kerja mereka terus meningkat, yang meningkatkan penggunaan domestik. Dan negara ini terus meningkat dari status berpendapatan rendah hingga berpendapatan sederhana pada tahun 1980-an. [47]

Produk domestik kasar sebenar Korea Selatan berkembang dengan purata lebih daripada 8 peratus setahun, [48] dari US $ 2.7 bilion pada tahun 1962 [49] menjadi US $ 230 bilion pada tahun 1989, [50] memecahkan tanda trilion dolar pada tahun 2006. KDNK nominal per kapita meningkat dari $ 103.88 pada tahun 1962 [51] menjadi $ 5.438.24 pada tahun 1989, [52] mencapai tonggak $ 20.000 pada tahun 2006. Sektor pembuatan meningkat dari 14.3 peratus daripada PNK pada tahun 1962 menjadi 30.3 peratus pada tahun 1987. Jumlah dagangan komoditi meningkat dari AS $ 480 juta pada tahun 1962 kepada AS $ 127.9 bilion yang diunjurkan pada tahun 1990. Nisbah simpanan domestik kepada PNK meningkat dari 3.3 peratus pada tahun 1962 menjadi 35.8 peratus pada tahun 1989. [48] Pada tahun 1965 kadar pertumbuhan Korea Selatan pertama kali melebihi kadar pertumbuhan Korea Utara di kebanyakan kawasan perindustrian, walaupun PNK per kapita Korea Selatan masih rendah. [53]

Faktor yang paling signifikan dalam perindustrian yang pesat adalah penerapan strategi memandang ke luar pada awal 1960-an. [54] [48] Strategi ini sangat cocok untuk waktu itu kerana kekurangan sumber daya alam Korea Selatan yang rendah, kadar simpanan yang rendah, dan pasar domestik yang kecil. Strategi ini mendorong pertumbuhan ekonomi melalui eksport perkilangan intensif buruh, di mana Korea Selatan dapat mengembangkan kelebihan daya saing. Inisiatif kerajaan memainkan peranan penting dalam proses ini. [48] ​​Melalui model perindustrian yang dipimpin oleh eksport, pemerintah Korea Selatan mendorong syarikat untuk mengembangkan teknologi baru dan meningkatkan kecekapan produktif agar dapat bersaing di pasar global yang sangat kompetitif. [55] Dengan mematuhi peraturan dan tuntutan negara, perusahaan diberi subsidi dan dukungan investasi untuk mengembangkan pasar eksport mereka dengan cepat di arena internasional yang berkembang pesat. [55] Di samping itu, aliran masuk modal asing sangat digalakkan untuk mengatasi kekurangan simpanan domestik. Usaha ini membolehkan Korea Selatan mencapai pertumbuhan eksport yang pesat dan peningkatan pendapatan seterusnya. [48]

Dengan menekankan sektor perindustrian, strategi pembangunan berorientasikan eksport Seoul menjadikan sektor luar bandar relatif kurang berkembang. Industri keluli dan pembuatan kapal khususnya memainkan peranan penting dalam mengembangkan ekonomi Korea Selatan selama ini. [56] Kecuali untuk perlombongan, kebanyakan industri terletak di kawasan bandar di barat laut dan tenggara. Industri berat umumnya terletak di selatan negara ini. Kilang di Seoul menyumbang lebih dari 25 peratus dari semua nilai tambah pembuatan pada tahun 1978 yang diambil bersama dengan kilang di sekitar wilayah Gyeonggi, kilang di wilayah Seoul menghasilkan 46 peratus dari keseluruhan pembuatan pada tahun itu. Kilang di Seoul dan Provinsi Gyeonggi menggunakan 48 peratus daripada 2.1 juta pekerja kilang di negara ini. Meningkatkan jurang pendapatan antara sektor industri dan pertanian menjadi masalah serius pada tahun 1970-an dan tetap menjadi masalah, walaupun ada usaha pemerintah untuk meningkatkan pendapatan ladang dan meningkatkan taraf hidup luar bandar. [48]

Pada awal 1980-an, untuk mengawal inflasi, kebijakan moneter yang konservatif dan langkah fiskal yang ketat telah diadopsi. Pertumbuhan penawaran wang dikurangkan dari tahap 30 peratus tahun 1970-an kepada 15 peratus. Seoul malah membekukan anggarannya sebentar. Campur tangan pemerintah dalam ekonomi dikurangkan dan dasar mengenai import dan pelaburan asing diliberalisasikan untuk mendorong persaingan. Untuk mengurangkan ketidakseimbangan antara sektor luar bandar dan bandar, Seoul memperluas pelaburan dalam projek awam, seperti jalan dan kemudahan komunikasi, sambil terus mempromosikan mekanisasi ladang. [48]

Langkah-langkah yang dilaksanakan pada awal dekad ini, ditambah dengan peningkatan ketara dalam ekonomi dunia, membantu ekonomi Korea Selatan mendapatkan kembali momentum yang hilang pada akhir 1980-an. Korea Selatan mencapai purata pertumbuhan nyata 9.2 peratus antara tahun 1982 dan 1987 dan 12.5 peratus antara tahun 1986 dan 1988. Inflasi dua digit pada tahun 1970-an terkawal. Inflasi harga borong rata-rata 2.1 peratus setahun dari tahun 1980 hingga 1988 harga pengguna meningkat rata-rata 4.7 peratus setiap tahun. Seoul mencapai lebihan ketara pertama dalam neraca pembayarannya pada tahun 1986 dan masing-masing mencatatkan AS $ 7.7 bilion dan lebihan AS $ 11.4 bilion pada tahun 1987 dan 1988. Perkembangan ini memungkinkan Korea Selatan mula mengurangkan tahap hutang asingnya. Lebihan perdagangan untuk tahun 1989, bagaimanapun, hanya AS $ 4.6 bilion, dan baki negatif kecil diproyeksikan untuk tahun 1990. [48]

1990-an dan Suntingan Krisis Kewangan Asia

Untuk separuh pertama tahun 1990-an, ekonomi Korea Selatan meneruskan pertumbuhan yang stabil dan kukuh dalam penggunaan swasta dan KDNK. Segalanya berubah dengan cepat pada tahun 1997 dengan krisis kewangan Asia. Setelah beberapa mata wang Asia yang lain diserang oleh spekulator, won Korea mulai menyusut pada Oktober 1997. [57] Masalahnya diperburuk oleh masalah pinjaman tidak berbayar di banyak bank saudagar Korea. Menjelang Disember 1997, IMF telah meluluskan pinjaman AS $ 21 bilion, yang akan menjadi sebahagian daripada rancangan bailout AS $ 58.4 bilion. [57] Menjelang Januari 1998, pemerintah telah menutup sepertiga bank saudagar Korea. [57] Sepanjang tahun 1998, ekonomi Korea akan terus menyusut setiap suku tahun pada kadar rata-rata .66.65%. [57] Chaebol Korea Selatan Daewoo menjadi korban krisis kerana dibongkar oleh pemerintah pada tahun 1999 kerana masalah hutang. Syarikat Amerika General Motors berjaya membeli bahagian motor. Kumpulan Tata konglomerat India, membeli bahagian trak dan kenderaan berat Daewoo. [57]

Tindakan pemerintah Korea Selatan dan pertukaran hutang oleh pemberi pinjaman antarabangsa membendung masalah kewangan negara. Sebilangan besar pemulihan Korea Selatan dari Krisis Kewangan Asia dapat dikaitkan dengan penyesuaian tenaga kerja (iaitu pasaran buruh yang dinamis dan produktif dengan kadar upah yang fleksibel) dan sumber pendanaan alternatif. [57] Menjelang suku pertama 1999, pertumbuhan KDNK meningkat menjadi 5.4%, dan pertumbuhan yang kuat selepas itu digabungkan dengan tekanan deflasi pada mata wang menyebabkan pertumbuhan tahunan 10.5%. Pada bulan Disember 1999, presiden Kim Dae-jung menyatakan krisis mata wang telah berakhir. [57]

Suntingan 2000an

Ekonomi Korea beralih dari model pelaburan pemerintah yang dirancang secara terpusat ke arah yang lebih berorientasikan pasaran. Pembaharuan ekonomi ini, yang didorong oleh Presiden Kim Dae-jung, membantu Korea mengekalkan salah satu daripada ekonomi yang berkembang di Asia [ rujukan diperlukan ], dengan kadar pertumbuhan 10.8% pada tahun 1999 dan 9.2% pada tahun 2000. Pertumbuhan jatuh kembali kepada 3.3% pada tahun 2001 kerana ekonomi global yang perlahan, penurunan eksport, dan persepsi bahawa reformasi korporat dan kewangan yang sangat diperlukan terhenti.

Setelah bangkit dari krisis pada akhir tahun sembilan puluhan, ekonomi meneruskan pertumbuhan yang kuat pada tahun 2000 dengan pertumbuhan KDNK 9.08%. [57] Namun, ekonomi Korea Selatan terjejas oleh Serangan 11 September. Ekonomi global yang perlahan, penurunan eksport, dan persepsi bahawa pembaharuan korporat dan kewangan telah terhenti menyebabkan pertumbuhan jatuh kembali kepada 3.8% pada tahun 2001 [58] Berkat perindustrian, KDNK per jam bekerja (output tenaga kerja) meningkat tiga kali ganda daripada AS $ 2.80 pada tahun 1963 kepada AS $ 10.00 pada tahun 1989. [58] Baru-baru ini ekonomi stabil dan mengekalkan kadar pertumbuhan antara 4–5% dari tahun 2003 dan seterusnya. [58]

Dipimpin oleh industri dan pembinaan, pertumbuhan pada tahun 2002 adalah 5.8%, [59] walaupun terdapat pertumbuhan global yang anemia. Penyusunan semula konglomerat Korea (chaebols, penswastaan ​​bank, dan penciptaan ekonomi yang lebih liberal - dengan mekanisme bagi syarikat-syarikat yang muflis untuk keluar dari pasaran - tetap menjadi tugas reformasi terpenting Korea yang belum selesai. Pertumbuhan melambatkan lagi pada tahun 2003, tetapi pengeluaran meningkat 5% pada tahun 2006, kerana permintaan yang popular untuk produk eksport utama seperti HDTV dan telefon bimbit. [ rujukan diperlukan ]

Seperti kebanyakan ekonomi perindustrian, Korea mengalami kemunduran yang ketara semasa kemelesetan akhir tahun 2000-an yang bermula pada tahun 2007. Pertumbuhan turun sebanyak 3.4% pada suku keempat 2008 dari suku sebelumnya, pertumbuhan suku tahunan negatif pertama dalam 10 tahun, dengan suku tahun ke tahun growth continuing to be negative into 2009. [60] Most sectors of the economy reported declines, with manufacturing dropping 25.6% as of January 2009, and consumer goods sales dropping 3.1%. [60] Exports in autos and semiconductors, two critical pillars of the economy, shrank 55.9% and 46.9% respectively, while exports overall fell by a record 33.8% in January, and 18.3% in February 2009 year on year. [61] As in the 1997 crisis, Korea's currency also experienced massive fluctuations, declining by 34% against the dollar. [61] Annual growth in the economy slowed to 2.3% in 2008, and was expected to drop to as low as −4.5% by Goldman Sachs, [62] but South Korea was able to limit the downturn to a near standstill at 0.2% in 2009. [63]

Despite the global financial crisis, the South Korean economy, helped by timely stimulus measures and strong domestic consumption of products that compensated for a drop in exports, [64] was able to avoid a recession unlike most industrialized economies, posting positive economic growth for two consecutive years of the crisis. In 2010, South Korea made a strong economic rebound with a growth rate of 6.1%, signaling a return of the economy to pre-crisis levels. South Korea's export has recorded $424 billion in the first eleven months of the year 2010, already higher than its export in the whole year of 2008. The South Korean economy of the 21st century, as a Next Eleven economy, is expected to grow from 3.9% to 4.2% annually between 2011 and 2030, [65] similar to growth rates of developing countries such as Brazil or Russia. [66]

The South Korean government signed the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA) on 5 December 2013, with the Australian government seeking to benefit its numerous industries—including automotive, services, and resources and energy—and position itself alongside competitors, such as the US and ASEAN. [67] South Korea is Australia's third largest export market and fourth largest trading partner with a 2012 trade value of A$32 billion. The agreement contains an Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) clause that permits legal action from South Korean corporations against the Australian government if their trade rights are infringed upon. [68]

The government cut the work week from six days to five in phases, from 2004 to 2011, depending on the size of the firm. [69] The number of public holidays was expanded to 16 by 2013. [70]

South Korean economy fell in 2019's first quarter, which was the worst performance since the global financial crisis. GDP declined a seasonally adjusted 0.3 percent from the previous quarter. [71]

High-tech industries in the 1990s and 2000s Edit

In 1990, South Korean manufacturers planned a significant shift in future production plans toward high-technology industries. In June 1989, panels of government officials, scholars, and business leaders held planning sessions on the production of such goods as new materials, mechatronics—including industrial robotics—bioengineering, microelectronics, fine chemistry, and aerospace. This shift in emphasis, however, did not mean an immediate decline in heavy industries such as automobile and ship production, which had dominated the economy in the 1980s. [ rujukan diperlukan ]

South Korea relies largely upon exports to fuel the growth of its economy, with finished products such as electronics, textiles, ships, automobiles, and steel being some of its most important exports. Although the import market has liberalized in recent years, the agricultural market has remained largely protectionist due to serious disparities in the price of domestic agricultural products such as rice with the international market. As of 2005, the price of rice in South Korea is about four times that of the average price of rice on the international market, and it was generally feared that opening the agricultural market would have disastrous effects upon the South Korean agricultural sector. In late 2004, however, an agreement was reached with the WTO in which South Korean rice imports will gradually increase from 4% to 8% of consumption by 2014. In addition, up to 30% of imported rice will be made available directly to consumers by 2010, where previously imported rice was only used for processed foods. Following 2014, the South Korean rice market will be fully opened. [ rujukan diperlukan ]

Additionally, South Korea today is known as a Launchpad of a mature mobile market, where developers can reap benefits of a market where very few technology constraints exist. There is a growing trend of inventions of new types of media or apps, using the 4G and 5G internet infrastructure in South Korea. South Korea has today the infrastructures to meet a density of population and culture that has the capability to create strong local particularity. [72]

The following table shows the main economic indicators in 1980–2018. Inflation under 2% is in green. [73]

Tahun KDNK
(in bn. US$ PPP)
KDNK per kapita
(in US$ PPP)
GDP growth
(real)
Inflation rate
(in Percent)
Unemployment
(in Percent)
Government debt
(in % of GDP)
1980 85.4 2,240 −1.7% 28.7% 5.2% n/a
1981 100.2 2,587 7.2% 21.4% 4.5% n/a
1982 115.2 2,929 8.3% 7.2% 4.1% n/a
1983 135.6 3,396 13.2% 3.4% 4.1% n/a
1984 155.1 3,839 10.4% 2.3% 3.9% n/a
1985 172.4 4,225 7.8% 2.5% 4.0% n/a
1986 195.6 4,747 11.2% 2.8% 3.8% n/a
1987 225.4 5,417 12.5% 3.0% 3.1% n/a
1988 261.2 6,214 11.9% 7.1% 2.5% n/a
1989 290.5 6,844 7.0% 5.7% 2.6% n/a
1990 331.0 7,720 9.8% 8.6% 2.5% 12.9%
1991 377.5 8,721 10.3% 9.3% 2.5% 12.1%
1992 410.0 9,373 6.2% 6.2% 2.5% 11.8%
1993 448.5 10,148 6.8% 4.8% 2.9% 11.0%
1994 500.2 11,206 9.2% 6.3% 2.5% 9.8%
1995 559.6 12,410 9.6% 4.5% 2.1% 8.7%
1996 613.1 13,468 7.6% 4.9% 2.1% 8.0%
1997 660.7 14,376 5.9% 4.4% 2.6% 9.9%
1998 631.5 13,644 −5.5% 7.5% 7.0% 14.2%
1999 713.1 15,297 11.3% 0.8% 6.6% 16.2%
2000 790.0 16,805 8.4% 2.3% 4.4% 16.6%
2001 846.5 17,870 4.9% 4.1% 4.0% 17.2%
2002 926.3 19,442 7.4% 2.8% 3.3% 17.0%
2003 973.2 20,321 3.1% 3.5% 3.6% 19.8%
2004 1,051.4 21,866 5.2% 3.6% 3.7% 22.4%
2005 1,130.8 23,469 4.3% 2.8% 3.8% 25.9%
2006 1,226.4 25,318 5.3% 2.3% 3.5% 28.1%
2007 1,332.3 27,368 5.8% 2.5% 3.3% 27.4%
2008 1,399.2 28,523 3.0% 4.7% 3.2% 26.9%
2009 1,421.0 28,820 0.8% 2.8% 3.6% 30.0%
2010 1,535.4 30,985 6.8% 2.9% 3.7% 29.5%
2011 1,625.3 32,547 3.7% 4.0% 3.4% 30.2%
2012 1,696.2 33,790 2.4% 2.2% 3.2% 30.8%
2013 1,780.6 35,310 3.2% 1.3% 3.1% 33.7%
2014 1,871.6 36,882 3.2% 1.3% 3.5% 35.5%
2015 1,944.3 38,112 2.8% 0.7% 3.6% 37.3%
2016 2,022.2 39,484 2.9% 1.0% 3.7% 37.6%
2017 2,125.5 41,331 3.2% 1.9% 3.7% 37.7%
2018 2,235.3 43,290 2.7% 1.5% 3.8% 37.9%

Shipbuilding Edit

During the 1970s and 1980s, South Korea became a leading producer of ships, including oil supertankers, and oil-drilling platforms. The country's major shipbuilder was Hyundai, which built a 1-million-ton capacity drydock at Ulsan in the mid-1970s. Daewoo joined the shipbuilding industry in 1980 and finished a 1.2-million-ton facility at Okpo on Geoje Island, south of Busan, in mid-1981. The industry declined in the mid-1980s because of the oil glut and because of a worldwide recession. There was a sharp decrease in new orders in the late 1980s new orders for 1988 totaled 3 million gross tons valued at US$1.9 billion, decreases from the previous year of 17.8 percent and 4.4 percent, respectively. These declines were caused by labor unrest, Seoul's unwillingness to provide financial assistance, and Tokyo's new low-interest export financing in support of Japanese shipbuilders. However, the South Korean shipping industry was expected to expand in the early 1990s because older ships in world fleets needed replacing. [74] South Korea eventually became the world's dominant shipbuilder with a 50.6% share of the global shipbuilding market as of 2008. Notable Korean shipbuilders are Hyundai Heavy Industries, Samsung Heavy Industries, Daewoo Shipbuilding & Marine Engineering, and the now bankrupt STX Offshore & Shipbuilding.

Electronics Edit

Electronics is one of South Korea's main industries. During the 1980s through the 2000s, South Korean companies such as Samsung, LG and SK have led South Korea's growth in Electronics. In 2017, 17.1% of South Korea's exports were semiconductors produced by Samsung Electronics and SK Hynix. Samsung and LG are also major producers in electronic devices such as Televisions, Smartphones, Display, and computers.

Automobile Edit

The automobile industry was one of South Korea's major growth and export industries in the 1980s. By the late 1980s, the capacity of the South Korean motor industry had increased more than fivefold since 1984 it exceeded 1 million units in 1988. Total investment in car and car-component manufacturing was over US$3 billion in 1989. Total production (including buses and trucks) for 1988 totaled 1.1 million units, a 10.6 percent increase over 1987, and grew to an estimated 1.3 million vehicles (predominantly passenger cars) in 1989. Almost 263,000 passenger cars were produced in 1985—a figure that grew to approximately 846,000 units in 1989. In 1988 automobile exports totaled 576,134 units, of which 480,119 units (83.3 percent) were sent to the United States. Throughout most of the late 1980s, much of the growth of South Korea's automobile industry was the result of a surge in exports 1989 exports, however, declined 28.5 percent from 1988. This decline reflected sluggish car sales to the United States, especially at the less expensive end of the market, and labor strife at home. [75] South Korea today has developed into one of the world's largest automobile producers. The Hyundai Kia Automotive Group is South Korea's largest automaker in terms of revenue, production units and worldwide presence.

Mining Edit

Most of the mineral deposits in the Korean Peninsula are located in North Korea, with the South only possessing an abundance of tungsten and graphite. Coal, iron ore, and molybdenum are found in South Korea, but not in large quantities and mining operations are on a small scale. Much of South Korea's minerals and ore are imported from other countries. Most South Korean coal is anthracite that is only used for heating homes and boilers.

In 2019, South Korea was the 3rd largest world producer of bismuth, [76] the 4th largest world producer of rhenium, [77] and the 10th largest world producer of sulfur. [78]

Suntingan Pembinaan

Construction has been an important South Korean export industry since the early 1960s and remains a critical source of foreign currency and invisible export earnings. By 1981 overseas construction projects, most of them in the Middle East, accounted for 60 percent of the work undertaken by South Korean construction companies. Contracts that year were valued at US$13.7 billion. In 1988, however, overseas construction contracts totaled only US$2.6 billion (orders from the Middle East were US$1.2 billion), a 1 percent increase over the previous year, while new orders for domestic construction projects totaled US$13.8 billion, an 8.8 percent increase over 1987.

South Korean construction companies therefore concentrated on the rapidly growing domestic market in the late 1980s. By 1989 there were signs of a revival of the overseas construction market: the Dong Ah Construction Company signed a US$5.3 billion contract with Libya to build the second phase (and other subsequent phases) of Libya's Great Man-Made River Project, with a projected cost of US$27 billion when all 5 phases were completed. South Korean construction companies signed over US$7 billion of overseas contracts in 1989. [79] Korea's largest construction companies include Samsung C&T Corporation, which built some of the highest building's and most noteworthy skyscrapers such as three consecutively world's tallest buildings: Petronas Towers, Taipei 101, and Burj Khalifa. [80] [81]

Armaments Edit

During the 1960s, South Korea was largely dependent on the United States to supply its armed forces, but after the elaboration of President Richard M. Nixon's policy of Vietnamization in the early 1970s, South Korea began to manufacture many of its own weapons. [82]

Since the 1980s, South Korea, now in possession of more modern military technology than in previous generations, has actively begun shifting its defense industry's areas of interest more from its previously homeland defense-oriented militarization efforts, to the promotion of military equipment and technology as mainstream products of exportation to boost its international trade. [ rujukan diperlukan ] Some of its key military export projects include the T-155 Firtina self-propelled artillery for Turkey the K11 air-burst rifle for United Arab Emirates the Bangabandhu class guided-missile frigate for Bangladesh fleet tankers such as Sirius class for the navies of Australia, New Zealand, and Venezuela Makassar class amphibious assault ships for Indonesia and the KT-1 trainer aircraft for Turkey, Indonesia and Peru.

South Korea has also outsourced its defense industry to produce various core components of other countries' advanced military hardware. Those hardware include modern aircraft such as F-15K fighters and AH-64 attack helicopters which will be used by Singapore, whose airframes will be built by Korea Aerospace Industries in a joint-production deal with Boeing. [83] In other major outsourcing and joint-production deals, South Korea has jointly produced the S-300 air defense system of Russia via Samsung Group, [ kegagalan pengesahan ] and will facilitate the sales of Mistral class amphibious assault ships to Russia that will be produced by STX Corporation. [84] South Korea's defense exports were $1.03 billion in 2008 and $1.17 billion in 2009. [85]

Suntingan Pelancongan

In 2012, 11.1 million foreign tourists visited South Korea, making it the 20th most visited country in the world, [86] up from 8.5 million in 2010. [87] Recently, the number of tourists has grown dramatically due to the increased popularity of the government-sponsored Korean Wave (Hallyu).

Seoul is the principal tourist destination for visitors popular tourist destinations outside of Seoul include Seorak-san national park, the historic city of Gyeongju and semi-tropical Jeju Island. In 2014 South Korea hosted the League of Legends season 4 championship and then, in 2018, the season 8 championship.

Since 1991 there has been a steady upwards trend in South Korean M&A until 2018 with only a short break around 2004. Since 1991 around 18,300 deals in, into or out of South Korea have been announced, which sum up to a total value of over 941. bil. USD. The year 2016 has been the year with the largest deal value (1,818 in bil. USD) and the most deals (82,3). [90]

Target industries are distributed very evenly with no industry taking a larger share than 10%. The top three target industries are Electronics (9.7%), Semiconductors (9.1%) and Metals and Mining (7.7%). However, over 51% of the acquiring companies originate from the financial and brokerage sector. [ rujukan diperlukan ]


Economic and social developments

In the 1950s South Korea had an underdeveloped, agrarian economy that depended heavily on foreign aid. The military leadership that emerged in the early 1960s and led the country for a quarter century may have been autocratic and, at times, repressive, but its pragmatic and flexible commitment to economic development resulted in what became known as the “miracle on the Han River.” During the next three decades, the South Korean economy grew at an average annual rate of nearly 9 percent, and per capita income increased more than a hundredfold. South Korea was transformed into an industrial powerhouse with a highly skilled labour force. In the late 20th century, however, economic growth slowed, and in 1997 South Korea was forced to accept a $57 billion bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF)—then the largest such rescue in IMF history. The country also wrestled with reforming the chaebŏl and liberalizing its economy. Nevertheless, its economy enjoyed a recovery in subsequent years, and the country entered the 21st century on a relatively firm economic footing.

South Korean society underwent an equally rapid transformation after the Korean War. The population more than doubled between the end of the war and the turn of the 21st century. Simultaneously, modern education developed rapidly, again with considerable government involvement but also because of the resurgence of the Korean people’s traditional zeal for education after decades of repression during the Japanese occupation period (1910–45). The growth of educational institutions and of commercial and industrial enterprises in and around South Korea’s major cities attracted an increasing number of rural people to urban areas. Seoul, in particular, grew some 10-fold to about 10 million people between the end of World War II and the early 21st century. There was a corresponding growth in communications media, especially newspaper and magazine publishing. An ambitious program was also undertaken to expand and modernize the country’s transportation infrastructure.

The most conspicuous social change in South Korea, however, was the emergence of a middle class. Land reform carried out in the early 1950s, together with the spread of modern education and the expansion of the economy, caused the disappearance of the once-privileged yangban (landholding) class, and a new elite emerged from the ranks of the former commoners. Another significant social change was the decline of the extended-family system: rural-to-urban migration broke traditional family living arrangements, as urban dwellers tended to live in apartments as nuclear families and, through family planning, to have fewer children. In addition, women strenuously campaigned for complete legal equality and won enhanced property ownership rights. Women also won the right to register as a head of family in a new family register system ( hojŏk) that took effect in 2008. Under the old system only men could register as family heads thus, children were legally part of the father’s family register, not the mother’s. The new system increased women’s legal standing in, among other things, divorce and child-custody cases. This system also granted adopted and stepchildren rights that were equal to those of biological children—for example, in matters of inheritance.

Rapid urbanization, the nuclear family system, the increase in women’s active participation in the economy, and lengthening life expectancies meant that by the early 21st century South Korea had decreasing birth rates and an aging population. The overall population was expected to decrease over the next decades as well. The government was concerned that fewer children and an aging society would slow economic growth and destabilize the social security system in the future.


Kandungan

South Korea's history began with Dangunwanggeom's Gojoseon. Gojoseon was conquered by Han China. After Gojoseon collapsed, there were a lot of countries such as Buyeo, Okjeo, Dongyae and Samhan. But Baekje, Goguryeo and Silla were the strongest. So their period began, and it is called the Three Kingdoms Period. Goguryeo and Baekje were conquered by Silla and Dang China's allied forces, and Silla unified the three kingdoms. There was another country, Balhae. Balhae was founded by Dae Jo-Young. Later Silla and Balhae's period is called South and North Countries Period. A rebellion in Later Silla caused the birth of a new nation: Goryeo, which was founded by Wanggeon. Mongolia's invaded Goryeo. Near the end of the Goryeo period, there was a great general Lee Seong-Gye. The king of Goryeo directed him to occupy Yodong, but he opposed. However, Lee Seong-Gye went to Yodong to occupy it, but he returned to Goryeo and he revolted. His revolt succeeded, and he founded the country Joseon. Joseon's first king, Taejo, moved the capital to Hanyang (Seoul). Joseon's fourth king, Sejong, made the Korean alphabet, Hangeul. Joseon's twenty-second king, Jeongjo, built Hwaseong Fortress in Suwon. Joseon's twenty-sixth king, Gojong, changed the country's name to Daehanjeguk. When Daehanjaeguk's power weakened, Japan occupied it for 35 years until Japan's defeat in World War II in 1945. In 1950, there was a big war, the Korean War. As a result, Korea was split into two countries, North and South.

South Korea is in East Asia, bordering North Korea, and is surrounded by water on three sides, as it makes up the southern part of the Korean peninsula. It is separated from Japan by the Sea of Japan (known as East Sea by the South Koreans). South Korea is mainly mountainous, and there are many islands off the south coast. The capital city, Seoul, is quite close to the North Korean border. The largest island is Jeju Island and the highest mountain is Hallasan, on Jeju. The country is slightly smaller than Iceland and Virginia.

South Korea is a democracy, meaning that people can vote for their government. However, this is recent. South Korea was an authoritarian dictatorship for most of its history. The President of South Korea is elected to a five-year term, and cannot stand in a Presidential Election for a second time. The current president is Moon Jae-in since 10 May 2017. The previous president, Park Geun-hye, was impeached for corruption.

South Korea known for a lot of technology. This includes the car-makers Hyundai and Kia. The well-known global brand Samsung, which makes mobile phones, semi-conductors and electric devices, is also South Korean.

South Korea has been affected by both continental culture and marine culture because it is located on a peninsula. Ancient South Korean culture has developed with the culture of Siberia, the northern part of Central Asia, the southern part of Southeast Asia and neighboring countries like China.

Penyuntingan Bahasa

South Korea's customary and official language is Korean. Many linguists says that it is linked with Altaic languages. Hangul, the alphabet which is used to write Korean, was published by King Sejong the Great of Joseon in 1446. It is the only alphabet in the word whose creator, invention day and invention principle is known.

Food Edit

A customary South Korean regular meal is made up of rice, Korean soup, kimchi and other various dishes. Generally, Korean dishes are seasoned with sesame oil, soy bean paste, soy sauce, salt, ginger and chilli pepper paste. The most famous traditional food of Korea, kimchi, is eaten with nearly every meal. There are lots of popular South Korean typical foods such as bibimbap, tteokbokki, and bulgogi.

Sunting Agama

In South Korea, 19.7% of people are Protestant, 6.6% are Catholic, 23.2% are Buddhist, 49.3% have no religion, and 1.3% either are a part of other religions or have beliefs that are unknown. [10]

Sunting Muzik

The most representative traditional music of Korea is Arirang and every region has its own folk song. Many South Korean singers are well known in world as K-pop is steadily developing. Famous K-pop artists include BTS, BLACKPINK, EXO, TWICE & NCT.

Hip hop artists such as Zico, Jvcki Wai, San E & Giriboy are also popular.

South Korea has 1 special city (Teukbyeolsi 특별시 特別市), 1 special self-governing city (Teukbyeol-Jachisi 특별자치시 特別自治市) 6 metropolitan cities (Gwangyeoksi 광역시 廣域市), and 9 provinces (buat 도 道). The names below are given in English, Revised Romanization, Hangeul, and Hanja.


North And South Korea: A Quick History

The devastating Korean War left more than a million dead and tensions between the two neighbours continue to simmer.

Thursday 25 July 2013 13:48, UK

On the Korean Peninsula there are two versions of history. The version people learn depends on whether they are North Korean or South Korean.

Either way though, understanding both versions is key to understanding this most unusual of countries: its quirks, its people, its politics and its government's ability to survive against the odds.

There is no logical reason why the land that makes up the Korean Peninsula should be split into two countries.

The people either side of the border speak the same language and have the same ancestors.

But since 1945, it has been two countries: the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) and the Republic of Korea (South Korea).

From 1910 until the end of World War Two, the Korean Peninsula was Japanese territory.

With Japan's defeat, America and the Soviet Union took control of the peninsula.

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They decided to split it in two: America didn't want the communist administration in Moscow to control the whole thing. Moscow felt the same about total American control.

And an agreement was reached between Washington and Moscow and an arbitrary line was simply drawn across the middle.

The North became The Democratic People's Republic of Korea. It adopted the communist ideology of its Soviet masters.

A young war hero called Kim Il-Sung became its prime minister.

The South adopted American-style democracy and became the Republic of Korea.

Just five years later though in 1950, Kim Il-Sung and his new army, backed by communist China and Russia, invaded the South.

Within months North Korean forces controlled almost the entire peninsula.

An American-led United Nations force fought back and the Korean War had begun.

Three years of fighting left well over a million people dead. Among them were soldiers from both Koreas, America, China, Russia and Britain.

But no side could claim victory. The border remained where it had been at the start - across the 38th Parallel - and to this day it is a heavily guarded and mined demilitarised zone.

In the decades that followed, the Soviet Union and China continued to prop up the North.

Inside the closed country, Kim Il-Sung's government controlled information and adopted their own version of history which states that the US-backed South Koreans invaded the North.

In 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed. North Korea had lost its main communist ally and trading partner.

The 1990s were dominated by a catastrophic famine in which millions died. A once strong country began to crumble.

And yet the country remained cut off, shunning most Western offers of help.

Kim Il-Sung, at his death in 1994, was declared Eternal President.

His son Kim Jong-Il ensured continuity and - on his death in 2011 - the leadership was assumed by his son, Kim Jong-Un.

And so through extreme control and isolation spanning 65 years, the Kim dynasty has cemented its cult of personality through which the state is still run.


Words in This Story

peninsula n. a piece of land surrounded by water on most sides and connected to a larger piece of land

atrocity – n. a very cruel or terrible act or action usually involving death

menyampaikanv. to take something to a person or place to do what you say

elderly – n. older adults

negative – pelengkap showing refusal or denial

komited – v. to carry out to promise

reconciliation – n. the act of causing two people or groups to become friendly again after an argument or disagreement


Memories of Massacres Were Long Suppressed Here. Tourists Now Retrace the Atrocities.

BUKCHON, South Korea — The soldiers descended upon the village, torching its homes and corralling residents into a schoolyard. After screening out relatives of military members and the police from the gathered crowd, the soldiers divided those remaining — men, women and children — into groups of 30 to 50, and dragged them away.

When the shootings were over in Bukchon, South Korea, 300 bodies, clad in traditional white clothes, were strewn across a nearby farm patch and rocky pine grove, looking “like so many freshly pulled radishes,” as survivors of the attack on Jan. 17, 1949, described it.

Seventy years later, a tour group arrived in Bukchon to look solemnly at the small graves of the infants killed that day. After decades of a strictly enforced silence, Jeju Island, where this and many similar atrocities took place, is now inviting visitors to learn first hand about one of the ugliest chapters in modern Korean history.

During these painful explorations of the island’s grim history, visitors occasionally meet survivors like Ko Wan-soon, 79.

Imej

“When my infant brother cried on the back of my mother, the soldier slammed him in the head twice with a thick club,” Ms. Ko said, recalling what happened at the Bukchon school ground. “It’s good that we can now talk about these things.”

These so-called “dark tours” reflect a growing freedom under the government of President Moon Jae-in to revisit the abuses perpetrated when South Korea was governed under a dictatorship. But for a long time, no one could discuss what happened at Bukchon and elsewhere around Jeju between 1947 and 1954.

During those years, Jeju, an island off the southern coast of South Korea, was a human slaughterhouse, with an estimated 30,000 people losing their lives, about one-tenth of the island’s population. A vast majority of them were killed by police, soldiers and anti-Communist vigilantes hunting for leftist insurgents and their relatives.

In South Korea’s postwar prosperity, however, golf courses and resort hotels were built on Jeju, not memorials and history museums.

The island became the country’s top tourist destination, with millions of visitors attracted by the scenic beauty and folk culture found around Bukchon on the island’s northern shore: old hackberry trees bent and twisted by the wind, jade-green coastal waters and so-called sea women diving for abalones and octopuses.

The new tourists are seeking a different experience.

“Jeju is no longer the tourist destination I used to know,” said Lee Hang-ran, 32, a schoolteacher from mainland South Korea, after visiting Bukchon.

After World War II, Korea was divided between an American-backed government in the South and a Soviet-backed one in the North. Starting in the spring of 1947, a group of Jeju islanders rose up against police brutality and called for a unified Korean government.

The police and soldiers, joined by a right-wing paramilitary group from the mainland, responded with an extermination campaign, branding the insurgents as Communist agitators. The rebels fought back, raiding police stations, but vastly outnumbered and outgunned, the peasant army was eventually crushed.

Also killed were large numbers of relatives and others considered sympathizers.

During the crackdown, many rebels and villagers fled to the hills to hide in the island’s caves. As part of the tours, visitors crawl into some of these pitch-black rock shelters, using their smartphones for light. Rusting bullets and fragments of earthen utensils used by the fugitives are still found in these claustrophobic, bat-infested caves.

Visitors can also see mass grave sites where hundreds of people, mostly relatives of the insurgents and others deemed leftist, were rounded up and executed as part of an effort to remove a potential fifth column at the outbreak of the Korean War in the early 1950s.

“They usually chose promontories, waterfalls and sandy beaches for execution sites because it was easier to dispose of bodies there,” said Lee Sang-eon, 56, a Bukchon native who lost four relatives and recently volunteered to give tours around his village.

Tales of brutality by government forces and paramilitary thugs are still recounted by islanders with both fear and spite, including the raping of women and requiring people to applaud as their relatives were killed. Soldiers are said to have forced a mother to walk around her village with the severed head of her insurgent son.

It was only in 2000 that a law took effect requiring a formal investigation. In 2006, the South Korean government apologized for the indiscriminate butchering of innocent islanders in the name of fighting Communism. In 2008, the government opened a large Jeju “Peace Park” honoring the victims.

At a government-built museum, thousands of names, including those of children, are inscribed in walls of black marble, helping visitors feel the scale of the slaughter.

While the government has now acknowledged its culpability, victims’ families during the postwar decades lived with the stigma of being blacklisted as “reds” under the guilt-by-association system, and a pervasive system of political surveillance kept people from talking about the horrors they had witnessed.

Even though the history now can be freely discussed, many island residents choose not to.

The Jeju killings remain a sensitive topic in South Korea, which is divided over how to come to terms with its tumultuous modern history. Conservative activists still define the island’s uprising as “riots.”

“Where I come from, if you talk about things like the way the government oppressed the Jeju people, you are likely branded as a ‘red,’ ” said Jang Soo-kyeong, 48, who took a recent tour of the island and lives in Daegu, a conservative city in mainland South Korea. “I wish we could discuss this kind of thing freely regardless of changes in government.”

For residents of the island, the history is deeply personal.

Some families married their daughters to soldiers, police officers or anti-Communist vigilantes for survival. The rebels murdered relatives of police officers, as well as villagers who collaborated with soldiers. Islanders, often after torture, informed on their pro-insurgent neighbors.

“Relatives of victims and perpetrators still live in the same village,” said Kang Ho-jin, a Jeju native. “Old villagers know who killed whom.”

Many survivors have refrained from discussing the era even with their children. Interconnected through centuries of marriage, these older islanders wanted to end the vicious circle of hate begetting hate.

“They believed that if all the truth were known, it would sow discord in the village,” Mr. Lee said.

Some victims’ families remain fearful of a backlash and worry that if conservatives returned to power in Seoul, they would again suppress efforts to investigate.

Younger residents of the island, however, can be more eager to explore, and expose, the past.

The great-grandfather of Kim Myong-ji, 27, a Jeju native, was killed by government forces. But rather than hiding this family history, Mr. Kim is now an organizer of one of the tours that lay bare the past.

“I wanted to trace my great-grandfather’s life and why he had to die,” Mr. Kim said. “I want to raise the awareness of what happened in Jeju.”


Kewangan

The Korean won is the official currency. The government-owned Bank of Korea, headquartered in Seoul, is the country’s central bank, issuing currency and overseeing all banking activity. All banks were nationalized in the early 1960s, but by the early 1990s these largely had been returned to private ownership. Foreign branch banking has been allowed in South Korea since the 1960s, and in 1992 foreigners began trading on the Korea Stock Exchange in Seoul.

South Korea borrowed heavily on international financial markets to supply capital for its industrial expansion, but the success of its exports allowed it to repay much of its debt. However, the accumulation of a staggering amount of foreign debt and excessive industrial expansion by major conglomerates caused severe economic difficulties in the late 1990s. Government and business leaders jointly created reforms, such as the restructuring of foreign debt and a bailout agreement with the International Monetary Fund, to create a more stable economic structure.


Kesimpulannya

This review of famous Koreans reveals that dictatorial regimes cannot completely oppress the freedom fighters, and that the society does not prosper during the rule of oppression. The ‘will’ to resist oppression works to achieve its ultimate goal of freedom. The dictatorial philosophy of cutting off communication is invalid now. Koreans are from a great nation. Remembering their history and appreciating what was good, they are fully alive in the current situation and determined to progress. One thing North and South Korea may expect in the future is a unified Korea. Success and progress will be theirs if at any point in the future united they stand. Korea has a rich past, a vibrant present, and shall emerge as one of the great nations of the world.


Tonton videonya: Seoul jam 6 pagi koyok opo rek kira2!?