Thomas Jefferson dilahirkan

Thomas Jefferson dilahirkan


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Presiden Masa Depan Thomas Jefferson, penyusun Deklarasi Kemerdekaan dan ahli teori politik terkemuka negara, dilahirkan pada 13 April 1743.

Ahli sejarah dan penulis biografi Joseph Ellis memanggil Jefferson, yang mempunyai peranan besar dalam membentuk politik Amerika, sphinx Amerika kerana wataknya yang penuh teka-teki. Sejak jawatannya, presiden dan ahli politik dari kedua-dua sudut spektrum politik telah meminjam dari falsafah politik Jefferson dalam usaha untuk menghubungkan kepemimpinan mereka sendiri dengan ayah pendiri yang paling berpengaruh dan dikagumi ini.

Watak Jefferson — sebagai seorang lelaki atau presiden — menentang definisi dalam warna hitam dan putih. Dia sekaligus seorang intelektual, arkitek, ahli falsafah, pemuzik dan esei. Minatnya terhadap sains mendorong kajian dan pengumpulan fosilnya. Dia memproyeksikan sikap rendah hati, santai dan tidak konvensional dan keinginannya untuk dilihat sebagai orang biasa tercermin dalam kecenderungannya untuk menerima pengunjung Gedung Putih dengan jubah dan sandal. Jefferson mengecam pemerintahan yang menindas dan merupakan penyokong kebebasan bersuara dan beragama. Dia bimbang rakan-rakan pengasas George Washington, John Adams dan Alexander Hamilton mempunyai rancangan untuk membentuk presiden Amerika setelah pemerintahan monarki. Ketika Washington dan Hamilton mencadangkan bank negara dan negara menganggap hutang negara, Jefferson mengundurkan diri dari kabinet Washington sebagai protes. Dia dengan tegas menolak rancangan Hamilton untuk membina tentera persekutuan yang kuat, kerana bimbang ia akan digunakan oleh pemimpin zalim terhadap warga Amerika.

BACA LEBIH LANJUT: Thomas Jefferson: Gourmand Perintis Amerika

Walaupun Jefferson berprinsip tinggi, dia tidak berada di atas menggunakan taktik smear terhadap lawan politik. Dia secara tidak sengaja menyerahkan korbannya secara cetak dengan nama samaran dan membantu membiayai akhbar anti-Federalis.

Walaupun secara teori Jefferson menginginkan penghapusan perbudakan, itu adalah hakikat bahawa Jefferson memiliki manusia lain yang mengusahakan perkebunannya. Catatan sejarah menunjukkan bahawa Jefferson memperlakukan pekerjanya yang diperbudak lebih baik daripada kebanyakannya dalam konteks zaman. Sudah lama dituduh bahawa salah seorang pekerjanya, Sally Hemings, adalah kekasih Jefferson. Dia melahirkan seorang anak lelaki, bernama Eston, pada tahun 1808. Selama 200 tahun, hubungan Hemings dan ayah Eston menjadi tumpuan analisis ilmiah yang mendalam. Pada tahun 1998, ujian DNA membuktikan bahawa Jefferson adalah bapa kandung Eston, yang banyak bermaksud bahawa dia memang anak lelaki Thomas Jefferson, fakta yang disokong oleh tradisi lisan keluarga Hemings. Walau bagaimanapun, para sarjana lain tidak bersetuju dengan kesimpulan ini dan tetap menjadi topik perbahasan yang kuat.

Jefferson, seorang duda sejak kematian isterinya Martha pada tahun 1782, juga dianggap telah menjalin hubungan dengan Maria Cosway, seorang pelukis dan pemuzik Inggeris yang cantik (dan berkahwin) yang dia temui ketika bertugas sebagai menteri ke Perancis. Hubungan Jefferson dengan Cosway memberi inspirasi kepadanya untuk menulis karangan romantis A Dialogue Between the Head and Heart pada Oktober 1786. Satu kisah sejarah mengenai hubungan mereka melukis Jefferson sebagai pelajar sekolah yang suka mencintai — ketika dia dan Cosway berkongsi jalanan romantis di kawasan luar bandar dekat Paris, Jefferson cuba melonjak pagar, jatuh dan patah pergelangan tangannya.

Dasar anti-federalis Jefferson dan serangan peribadi terhadap John Adams menyebabkan pergolakan besar antara dua bekas rakannya. Namun, setelah bersara, Adams dan Jefferson menghidupkan semula hubungan peribadi mereka. Dua revolusi asal terakhir yang hidup, Jefferson dan Adams, meninggal pada hari yang sama: 4 Julai 1826.

BACA LEBIH LANJUT: Dua Presiden Meninggal Dunia Pada 4 Julai yang sama: Kebetulan atau Sesuatu yang Lain?


Thomas Jefferson: Fakta Penting dan Biografi Ringkas

Thomas Jefferson adalah Presiden Amerika Syarikat yang ketiga. Mungkin pencapaian terbesar Jefferson adalah penyusunan Deklarasi Kemerdekaan pada tahun 1776, beberapa dekad sebelum dia menjadi presiden.


Garis Masa Kehidupan Jefferson

Peter Jefferson, bapa Thomas Jefferson, mempatenkan saluran seluas 1.000 ekar yang menjadi Monticello.

Thomas Jefferson dilahirkan di Shadwell pada 13 April 1743 (mengikut kalendar moden).

Thomas Jefferson menghadiri Kolej William dan Mary.

Memulakan kajian undang-undang dengan George Wythe.

Mengaku mengamalkan undang-undang di Mahkamah Umum.

Terpilih ke House of Burgesses. Mula meratakan puncak gunung Monticello.

Memulakan pembinaan Monticello. Rumah Shadwell terbakar. Pindah ke South Pavilion di Monticello.

Berkahwin dengan Martha Wayles Skelton. Anak perempuan Martha dilahirkan.

Kuburan di Monticello didirikan dengan perantaraan teman Jefferson dan adik iparnya Dabney Carr.

Penulisan Ringkasan & Hak Asasi Hak Amerika Britain. & Quot; Bersara dari amalan undang-undang. Mewarisi 11,000 ekar tanah dan 135 hamba dari bapa mertuanya. Dibangunkan untuk taman dapur. Anak perempuan Jane Randolph dilahirkan.

Terpilih ke Kongres Kontinental. Anak perempuan Jane Randolph meninggal dunia.

Draf Perisytiharan Kemerdekaan. Terpilih ke Virginia House of Delegates. Dilantik untuk menyemak undang-undang Virginia.

Merangka Statut Virginia untuk Kebebasan Beragama, diluluskan oleh Majlis Umum pada tahun 1786. Anak lelaki yang tidak bernama dilahirkan dan meninggal dunia.

Rangka Rang Undang-Undang untuk Penyebaran Pengetahuan yang Lebih Umum. Anak perempuan Mary (Maria) dilahirkan. Batu bata Monticello pertama selesai.

Berkhidmat sebagai Gabenor Virginia.

Nota Permulaan mengenai Negeri Virginia. Anak perempuan Lucy Elizabeth dilahirkan.

Tentera Inggeris di Monticello. Anak perempuan Lucy Elizabeth meninggal dunia.

Lucy Elizabeth kedua dilahirkan. Isteri Martha meninggal. Versi pertama rumah Monticello telah siap sepenuhnya.

Perwakilan terpilih ke Kongres.

Berkhidmat di Perancis sebagai Pesuruhjaya dan Menteri A.S.

Anak perempuan Lucy Elizabeth meninggal dunia.

Berkhidmat sebagai Setiausaha Negara A.S. yang pertama.

Memulakan pembuatan kuku secara komersial di Mulberry Row. Hamba bermanusia Robert Hemings.

Anak perempuan Sally Hemings, Harriet Hemings dilahirkan.

Memulakan pembentukan semula dan pembesaran Monticello. Hamba manusia James Hemings.

Berkhidmat di bawah John Adams sebagai Naib Presiden A.S. yang kedua.

Berkhidmat sebagai presiden Persatuan Falsafah Amerika. Harriet Hemings meninggal pada tahun 1797

Beverly Hemings, anak tertua yang masih hidup dari Sally Hemings dan Thomas Jefferson, dilahirkan.

Kubah dibina di Monticello.

Berkhidmat sebagai Presiden A.S. yang ketiga.

Harriet Hemings, satu-satunya anak perempuan Sally Hemings dan Thomas Jefferson yang masih hidup, dilahirkan.

Pembelian Louisiana disimpulkan. Lewis dan Clark Expedition dilancarkan.

Anak perempuan Maria Jefferson Eppes meninggal dunia.

Ekspedisi Lewis dan Clark menyimpulkan. Mula membina rumah di Poplar Forest dimulakan.

Katil bunga bujur berhampiran Monticello dibentangkan. Kilang saudagar Shadwell selesai.

Eston Hemings, anak bongsu Sally Hemings dan Thomas Jefferson, dilahirkan. Pavilion Utara Monticello selesai dan Pavilion Selatannya diubah suai. Jalan-jalan berliku dan katil bunga di Lawn Barat dibentangkan.

Bersara dari jawatan presiden dan kehidupan awam. Pembentukan semula Monticello dan pembinaan pergantungan sebahagian besarnya selesai. Pelantar kebun sayur selesai.

Taman Pavilion dibina.

Menjual perpustakaan 6,700 jilid ke Kongres.

Cornerstone of Central College (kemudian Universiti Virginia) meletakkan.

Atap Monticello ditutup kembali dengan papan tahi timah.

Beverly dan Harriet Hemings meninggalkan Monticello. Mereka berlalu sebagai anggota masyarakat kulit putih dan hilang dari sejarah.

Jefferson menyambut Marquis de Lafayette ke Monticello dalam perjumpaan bersejarah.

Universiti Virginia dibuka.

Jefferson meninggal dunia di Monticello pada 4 Julai. John Adams juga meninggal pada hari yang sama di rumahnya di Quincy, Massachusetts.

ALAMAT:
931 Thomas Jefferson Parkway
Charlottesville, VA 22902
MAKLUMAT UMUM:
(434) 984-9800


Mengapa Thomas Jefferson Penting?

Thomas Jefferson berkhidmat sebagai presiden ketiga Amerika Syarikat yang dia menubuhkan University of Virginia, mengarang Perlembagaan dan melakukan perbuatan perkhidmatan awam semasa memegang jawatan. Jefferson menghabiskan lebih dari 50 tahun terlibat dalam politik Amerika. Beliau mendapat pendidikan formal di College of William & Mary, mempelajari undang-undang dan politik sebelum menamatkan pengajian dan memulakan kerjaya dalam bidang politik di peringkat pemerintahan tempatan.

Jefferson bertugas sebagai hakim dan letnan di peringkat pemerintahan yang lebih rendah. Dia kemudian bergabung dengan House of Burgess, kemudian maju ke Kongres. Di sana, sesama anggota menugaskan Jefferson untuk menyusun kandungan untuk Deklarasi Kemerdekaan. Jefferson, melalui Deklarasi tersebut, menetapkan hak-hak asasi bagi warganegara, termasuk persamaan untuk lelaki dan wanita dan orang-orang dari semua status sosioekonomi. Jefferson menugaskan kerajaan persekutuan sebagai sistem demokratik, yang dirancang sebagai entiti telus yang memungkinkan dan mendorong penyertaan orang ramai. Setelah memegang jawatan di Kongres, Jefferson kembali berkhidmat sebagai penggubal undang-undang dan gabenor di Virginia. Dia kemudian berkhidmat sebagai naib presiden di bawah John Adams sebelum menjawat jawatan presiden. Sebagai presiden, Jefferson memperoleh tanah penting melalui pembelian Wilayah Louisiana. Dia mendorong eksplorasi dan pengembangan dengan membiayai ekspedisi Lewis dan Clark juga. Jefferson mengambil sikap berkecuali dalam urusan luar tetapi, bagaimanapun, menyaksikan Amerika Syarikat memasuki Perang 1812.


Dalam Sejarah Amerika

Salah satu pemimpin Amerika yang paling berpengaruh tetapi, pada zamannya, pemimpin kontroversial, Jefferson berada di tengah-tengah beberapa episod konspirasi penting.

Ekspedisi Botani

Thomas Jefferson dan James Madison mengadakan lawatan botani selama sebulan ke New York pada bulan April & # 8211Mei 1791. Tujuan para pelancong adalah untuk melihat flora dan fauna di rantau ini dan keindahan pemandangannya, dan mengunjungi tempat-tempat bersejarah di kemasyhuran revolusi. Kemungkinan lelaki-lelaki ini menyambut baik kesempatan untuk membuat siasatan politik di kota-kota tempat mereka berkunjung. Aktiviti seperti itu tidak disedari.


Sebenarnya, ini adalah pandangan beberapa Federalis New York bahawa tujuan rahsia lawatan mereka adalah untuk menjalin persekutuan antara Republikan New York dan rakan-rakan Old Dominion mereka ke selatan. Jefferson dan Madison menyatukan, dan menubuhkan pangkalan yang popular untuk, Parti Republik melalui lawatan politik penting dalam perjalanan mereka.

Sudah tentu, Federalis memandang perjalanan ini sebagai ancaman, dan teori konspirasi banyak. (Mungkin kelihatan aneh bahawa pembinaan pakatan politik dapat dianggap sebagai konspirasi, tetapi gagasan parti politik dianggap konspiratif pada era Pengasas.)

Gabenor New York Clinton & # 8220 sepertinya tidak memperhatikan Virginians yang sedang tur, juga tidak memanggilnya & # 8221. Sekiranya ada pakatan antara Jefferson dan Clinton, Burr, atau orang lain dalam perjalanan ini, mereka memang sangat rahsia.

Jefferson sebagai Ejen Perancis dan Revolusi

Sejauh ini, teori konspirasi yang paling kuat dan ketara mengenai Jefferson adalah kepercayaan Federalis yang meluas bahawa dia dan pengikutnya adalah rakan pengembara atau ejen terang-terangan orang-orang Jacobin Perancis dan agenda revolusioner mereka mengenai republikanisme radikal, egaliterisme sosial, dan agama & # 8220 ketidaksetiaan. & # 8220 8221

Kepercayaan ini pertama kali muncul ketika Jefferson menjadi setiausaha negara pada awal 1790-an. Ketika Perancis mengisytiharkan negara mereka sebagai republik dan mengeksekusi Raja Louis XVI, Amerika dilanda kontroversi mengenai Revolusi Perancis dan siri perang yang dihasilkan antara Perancis dan monarki Eropah.

Berdasarkan beberapa surat yang dibocorkan kepada media dan pernyataan sekutunya, Jefferson memperoleh reputasi sebagai penyokong Revolusi Perancis & # 8217 di Amerika. Seterusnya tuduhan bahawa dia bukan hanya kawan tetapi alat Perancis menjadi tema utama lawan Jefferson & # 8217, dan akan tetap berlaku sepanjang sisa karier politiknya.

Jefferson-as-konspirator adalah subjek salah satu kartun politik terawal di Amerika, & # 8220Pengesanan Providential. & # 8221 Lukisan tanpa nama ini menggambarkan seekor helang Amerika akan mencakar mata Jefferson ketika dia cuba membakar Perlembagaan di & # 8220Altar to Gallic Despotism, & # 8221 merangkumi hujah konservatif bahawa pendemokrasian lebih lanjut di Amerika pasti akan membawa kepada kediktatoran seperti yang berlaku di Perancis.

Burung helang itu mewakili dasar-dasar Federalis yang berperang dan penindas dalam pentadbiran John Adams, yang merangkumi Undang-undang Alien dan Hasutan, undang-undang yang bertujuan untuk menghancurkan konspirasi Jacobin untuk selama-lamanya.

Yang ketara, kebakaran di mezbah Jefferson & # 8217 didorong oleh salinan dua akhbar terkemuka Republik Demokratik, Philadelphia Aurora dan Boston Independent Chronicle, serta tulisan anti-Kristian Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason) dan William Godwin.

Ini mencerminkan kepercayaan Federalis bahawa penerbitan yang tidak setuju dengan doktrin politik dan agama yang mapan bukan merupakan sumbangan kepada perdebatan awam, tetapi merupakan sebahagian daripada konspirasi yang lebih besar terhadap bukan sahaja pemerintah A.S., tetapi juga masyarakat Kristian yang teratur, hierarki, yang dipercayai oleh para Federalis. Sebilangan Federalis bahkan percaya bahawa Jefferson dan pengikutnya secara diam-diam adalah sayap Amerika Illuminati Bavaria yang terkenal.

Dalam politik, Federalis bergantung terutama pada ancaman yang dikatakan Jefferson, yang berpegang pada ideologi liberal dan jauh dari ateis, terhadap agama Kristian di Amerika. (Dalam tempoh & # 8220 Pemerintahan Teror & # 8221 di Perancis, Robespierre & # 8217s rejim Jacobin telah menukar gereja-gereja menjadi Kuil Sebab.)

The Philadelphia Gazette dari Amerika Syarikat, sebuah akhbar Federalist yang dibaca secara nasional, memberi notis sepanjang musim pilihan raya pada bulan September 1800, dengan meletakkan mesej Federalist secara terang-terangan:

Kempen keagamaan menentang Jefferson paling sengit di Puritan New England, yang merupakan Sabuk Alkitab awal Amerika dan kubu pilihan raya Federalis.

Ahli politik dan ulama Federalist New England membombardir penduduk wilayah itu dengan amaran apokaliptik mengenai akibat kemenangan Jefferson dalam pilihan raya presiden tahun 1800. Mantan anggota kongres Massachusetts, Fisher Ames melukis kejadian ini sebagai & # 8220 penghinaan terhadap semua yang dihormati. transmutasi semua yang terjalin & # 8221.

Perbincangan semacam ini juga tidak berhenti ketika Jefferson berada di pejabat. Setelah kehilangan negara secara keseluruhan tetapi memegang New England pada tahun 1800, Federalis mengelilingi gerobak dalam menghadapi usaha kuat Parti Republik Demokrat untuk memenangkan pengundi di negeri mereka. Amaran mereka mengenai Jefferson tumbuh hampir secara histeris, terutamanya memandangkan perubahan dasar yang agak sederhana yang dilaksanakan oleh pentadbiran Jefferson pada masa itu.

Mencuba untuk menggagalkan negara asalnya di Connecticut & # 8220 untuk menentang musuh, hanya memasuki pintu kubu kubu anda, & # 8221 Theodore Dwight menggariskan & # 8220 penyempurnaan keberkatan Demokratik & # 8221 yang menanti Tanah Kebiasaan Mantap jika terlalu menyerah pasukan revolusi yang telah menguasai sebahagian besar Eropah dan dalam pilihan raya baru-baru ini & # 8220secured. penguasaan ke atas sebahagian besar Amerika Syarikat ini. & # 8221

Kecuali Connecticut membuat pendirian, orang-orangnya menghadapi prospek benar-benar neraka & # 8220a negara yang dikuasai oleh blockhead, dan menjalin ikatan perkahwinan. menghancurkan isteri dan anak perempuan kami. dibuang ke dalam rebusan anak-anak kita. dilupakan. dunia yang penuh dengan kejahilan, kekotoran, dan rasa bersalah tanpa keadilan, tanpa ilmu pengetahuan, tanpa kasih sayang. tanpa ibadah, tanpa doa, tanpa Tuhan! & # 8221

Pencerobohan semacam ini semakin berlubang karena menjadi jelas bahawa wanita dan anak-anak New England tidak berada dalam bahaya dari Presiden Jefferson, dan sebagian besar wilayah itu bergabung dalam memilihnya dengan mudah pada tahun 1804.

Aaron Burr dan Kebuntuan Kolej Pilihan

Jefferson dan penyokongnya mempunyai masalah konspirasi sendiri pada tahun 1800. Mereka begitu yakin akan kemenangan Jefferson yang akan segera berlaku setelah perlumbaan perundangan utama dimenangi & # 8212banyak negeri masih dilantik sebagai pemilih presiden & # 8212 bahawa mereka membuat pengaturan untuk memastikan Aaron Burr akan mendapat undi yang mencukupi dari negeri selatan untuk menjadi naib presiden.

Jefferson terkejut mengetahui bahawa undi di Selatan jatuh lebih berat kepada Burr daripada yang diharapkan. Pemilihan tersebut menghasilkan hubungan antara Jefferson dan Burr, masing-masing dengan tujuh puluh tiga suara pilihan raya, yang akan diselesaikan di Dewan Perwakilan.

Dengan sangat menentang Jefferson dan ideologi Republikannya, Federalis berkomplot untuk menolaknya sebagai presiden. Golongan Federalis bersekutu untuk menyokong pencabarnya, Aaron Burr, walaupun dilaporkan tidak membenarkan pencalonan.

Walaupun usaha terbaik mereka, pada hari Selasa, 17 Februari, undi tiga puluh enam di Dewan Perwakilan mengakibatkan pemilihan Jefferson & # 8217. & # 8220 Walaupun kekalahan, mereka bertindak sengsara, kebanyakan Federalis menahan suara mereka dari Jefferson hingga ke akhir pahit & # 8221.

Sebagai presiden, Burr pasti akan memperhatikan golongan Federalis yang menyokongnya, memastikan pengaruh mereka berterusan dalam pemerintahan persekutuan. Hubungan antara Jefferson dan Burr memburuk, dan beberapa tahun kemudian Jefferson mengaku bersalah atas pengkhianatan dan meminta penangkapannya.


Kandungan

Jefferson menjadi duda pada usia 39 tahun pada tahun 1782. Dia tidak pernah menikah lagi dan meninggal pada tahun 1826. Sally Hemings, seorang "quadroon" (3/4 berkulit putih), adalah budaknya yang jauh lebih muda dan mungkin merupakan saudara tirinya dari isterinya. Pada tahun 1787 ketika Hemings berusia 14 tahun, dia menemani puterinya Maria ke Perancis, di mana Jefferson bertugas sebagai duta besar Amerika ke Perancis. Hemings dan Jefferson diyakini telah memulai hubungan seksual pada suatu waktu sebelum 1789, ketika dia kembali bersamanya ke Monticello. Sebilangan besar sejarawan kini percaya bahawa hubungan ini berlangsung hampir empat dekad, hingga kematian Jefferson, dan dia memperanakkan enam orang anak oleh Hemings. [9] [10]

Empat daripada anak Hemings selamat sampai dewasa. Pada masa antebellum, dia akan disebut "keluarga bayangan". [11] Sally Hemings juga merupakan anak dari keluarga bayangan. Sejarawan percaya bahawa bapanya adalah John Wayles, bapa mertua Jefferson, yang sebagai duda mempunyai hubungan 12 tahun dengan hamba mulutnya Betty Hemings dan memperanakkan enam anak bersamanya. Anak-anak ini mempunyai keturunan Eropah tiga perempat dari keturunan Afrika, dan merupakan saudara kandung kepada isteri Jefferson, Martha Wayles Skelton Jefferson. [12] Sally Hemings adalah anak bongsu dari keluarga bayangan ini. [13] Issac Jefferson menyifatkan Sally sebagai "berkulit putih cantik. Rambutnya yang sangat cantik dan panjang lurus di punggungnya." [14]

Dari empat kanak-kanak Hemings yang bertahan hingga dewasa — William Beverley, Harriet, Madison dan Eston Hemings — semuanya kecuali Madison Hemings akhirnya dikenali sebagai orang kulit putih dan hidup sebagai orang dewasa dalam komuniti kulit putih. Di bawah undang-undang Virginia partus sequitur ventrem, kerana Sally Hemings adalah budak, anak-anaknya juga dilahirkan sebagai budak. Tetapi kanak-kanak itu adalah ketujuh-lapan orang Eropah, satu-lapan orang Afrika dengan keturunan. Sekiranya bebas, mereka akan dianggap sebagai putih sah di Virginia pada masa itu. [15] [16]

Tuntutan awal Edit

Pada tahun 1802 wartawan James T. Callender, setelah ditolak janji untuk jawatan Postmaster oleh Jefferson dan mengeluarkan ancaman "akibat" yang terselubung, melaporkan bahawa Jefferson telah melahirkan beberapa anak dengan seorang selir budak bernama Sally. Keluarganya menafikan tuduhan itu. Yang lain secara peribadi atau terbuka membuat tuntutan itu. [17] Elijah Fletcher, ketua sekolah New Glasgow Academy (Amherst County, Virginia) mengunjungi Jefferson pada tahun 1811 dan menulis dalam buku hariannya:

Kisah Sal hitam tidak masuk akal - bahawa dia tinggal bersamanya dan mempunyai sejumlah anak olehnya adalah kebenaran suci - dan yang paling teruk ialah dia menyimpan anak-anak yang sama budak - kejahatan tidak wajar yang sangat biasa di bahagian ini . [18]

Jefferson tidak memberikan komen secara terbuka mengenai perkara itu, walaupun kebanyakan sejarawan menafsirkan surat lamarannya dari tahun 1805 kepada Setiausaha Tentera Laut Robert Smith sebagai penolakan yang menyangkakan jawapan yang lebih lengkap, yang telah hilang. [19]

Keturunan Jefferson-Wayles dan kebanyakan sejarawan menafikan selama hampir 200 tahun bahawa dia adalah bapa kepada anak-anak Hemings. Sejak pertengahan abad ke-20, ada tantangan terhadap penolakan itu, kerana sejarawan telah memeriksa kembali beberapa bukti dan berpikir untuk menafsirkannya secara berbeza. Perselisihan timbul sejak akhir abad ke-20 mengenai bagaimana menafsirkan bukti sejarah yang berkaitan dengan isu tersebut. Menurut surat penulis biografi Jefferson pada tahun 1868, Henry S. Randall kepada sejarawan James Parton, cucu Jefferson, Thomas Jefferson Randolph, mengatakan bahawa anak perempuan Jefferson yang masih hidup, Martha menyatakan di ranjang kematiannya bahawa Jefferson telah jauh dari Monticello selama 15 bulan sebelum salah satu Hemings ' anak dilahirkan, jadi tidak boleh menjadi ayah. Tetapi sejarawan Dumas Malone kemudian mendokumentasikan bahawa Jefferson telah berada di Monticello sembilan bulan sebelum kelahiran setiap anak Hemings. [20]

[S] dia [Hemings] mempunyai anak-anak yang menyerupai Mr Jefferson dengan sangat dekat sehingga jelas bahawa mereka memiliki darah di pembuluh darah mereka. Dia [Randolph] mengatakan pada satu ketika, seorang lelaki yang menjamu selera dengan Tuan Jefferson, tampak sangat terkejut ketika dia mengangkat pandangannya dari yang terakhir kepada pelayan di belakangnya, bahawa penemuannya tentang kemiripan itu sangat jelas bagi semua orang. [21]

Randolph memberitahu Randall bahawa mendiang Peter Carr, keponakan Jefferson oleh kakaknya dan seorang lelaki yang sudah berkahwin pada masa itu, telah memperanakkan anak-anak Hemings, sebagai penjelasan untuk kemiripan "mengejutkan" yang dapat dilihat oleh setiap pengunjung Monticello. Menurut profesor undang-undang Annette Gordon-Reed, dengan tindakan ini, dia melanggar pantang larang sosial yang kuat terhadap penamaan lelaki kulit putih sebagai bapa anak-anak hamba, untuk menjelaskan kemiripan fizikal yang kuat yang dilihat oleh pengunjung. Dia mencadangkan dia hanya akan melakukannya kerana alasan yang lebih kuat untuk melindungi datuknya. [22]

Kerana pantang larang sosial mengenai topik ini, Randolph meminta, dan Randall bersetuju, untuk menghilangkan sebutan mengenai Hemings dan anak-anaknya dalam biografi tiga jilid Randall, Kehidupan Thomas Jefferson (1858). [21] Tetapi Randall menyampaikan sejarah lisan Randolph dalam surat kepada sejarawan James Parton. Dia juga menyatakan bahawa dia secara peribadi telah melihat rekod yang menyokongnya - tetapi tidak ada rekod seperti itu. Surat Randall tahun 1868 yang menceritakan kisah keluarga Randolph mengenai ayah Peter Carr adalah "tonggak" pernyataan ahli sejarah kemudian bahawa Carr adalah bapa kepada anak-anak Hemings, dan Jefferson tidak. [22]

Tuntutan Madison Hemings Edit

Pada bulan November 1845, surat kabar Ohio melaporkan bahawa salah seorang anak lelaki Jefferson oleh Sally Hemings yang tinggal di daerah Ohio pusat tidak dibenarkan untuk memilih atau memberi keterangan di mahkamah kerana undang-undang Ohio mengenai rasnya. [23] Kisah ini kemudiannya dilaporkan oleh akhbar William Lloyd Garrison, Pembebas. [24]

Pada 7 Julai 1870, Chillicothe, pengambil sensus Ohio William Weaver mencatat dalam buku bancian rasminya di samping entri untuk "Hemmings, Madison", mencatat "Orang ini adalah anak lelaki Thomas Jefferson." [25]

Pada tahun 1873, isu ini mendapat perhatian baru dan meluas setelah penerbitan wawancara dengan Madison Hemings, yang menegaskan bahawa Jefferson adalah ayahnya. Dia diwawancarai mengenai kehidupannya sebagai hamba di Monticello, dan akaunnya diterbitkan di sebuah akhbar di Ohio. Ketika berusia 68 tahun, Hemings mendakwa Jefferson sebagai ayahnya dan adik-beradiknya. Dia mengatakan bahawa ketika Jefferson dan Sally Hemings masih berada di Paris, dia hamil dengan anaknya. Budak boleh mengemukakan petisyen untuk kebebasan mereka di Perancis, dan Hemings pada awalnya tidak senang ketika Jefferson memintanya untuk kembali bersamanya ke Virginia. Berdasarkan janji Jefferson untuk membebaskan anak-anaknya ketika mereka dewasa, dia kembali bersamanya ke Amerika Syarikat dari Perancis. [26] Israel Jefferson, yang juga bekas budak Monticello, mengesahkan kisah bapa Jefferson terhadap anak-anak Hemings dalam wawancara sendiri yang diterbitkan pada tahun itu oleh akhbar Ohio yang sama. [27] Pengkritik menyerang akaun akhbar sebagai bermotif politik dan bekas hamba sebagai tersilap, atau lebih buruk lagi. [28]

Pada tahun 1874, James Parton menerbitkan biografinya Jefferson, di mana dia mengaitkan isi memoir Madison Hemings dengan motif politik seorang wartawan yang mewawancarainya. Dia dan pengkritik lain pada dasarnya menolak memoir Madison, sambil memberikan kepadanya pelbagai motif negatif untuk menceritakan kisahnya. Dalam karyanya, Parton mengulangi sejarah lisan keluarga Jefferson tentang ayah Carr dan tuntutan bahawa Jefferson tidak hadir semasa tempoh konsepsi salah seorang anak Hemings. [29] [30]

Sejarawan moden Edit

Berjaya sejarawan abad ke-20, seperti Merrill Peterson dan Douglass Adair, bergantung pada buku Parton kerana ia berkaitan dengan kontroversi. [31] Pada gilirannya, Dumas Malone mengadopsi kedudukan mereka. Pada tahun 1970-an, sebagai sebahagian daripada biografinya yang berjumlah enam jilid Jefferson, Malone adalah yang pertama menerbitkan surat oleh Ellen Randolph Coolidge, saudara perempuan Randolph yang menambah kisah ayah Carr. Tetapi dia mendakwa bahawa mendiang Samuel Carr, saudara kepada Peter dan juga keponakan Jefferson melalui adiknya, telah memperanakkan anak-anak Hemings. Seperti Peter, Samuel menikah ketika anak-anak Hemings dilahirkan. Kedua-dua Randolph tidak menamakan keponakan Jefferson sebagai bapa kandung anak-anak Hemings sehingga setelah lelaki itu meninggal. [32]

Ahli sejarah abad ke-20 di atas dan penulis biografi utama lain pada akhir abad ke-20, seperti Joseph Ellis dan Andrew Burstein, "mempertahankan" Jefferson berdasarkan kesaksian keluarga Jefferson / Randolph: mengatakan bahawa dia tidak hadir dalam konsepsi satu anak Hemings, dan keluarga itu mengenal pasti Peter atau Samuel Carr sebagai bapa kepada anak-anak Hemings. [33] Juga, para sejarawan menyimpulkan dari tafsiran mereka mengenai keperibadian dan pandangan Jefferson bahawa dia tidak akan mempunyai hubungan seperti itu. Mereka menyatakan bahwa dia telah menyatakan antipati terhadap orang kulit hitam dan penyesatan dalam tulisannya, dan dia dianggap memiliki akhlak yang "tinggi". [34]

Naskah untuk Buku Pertanian Thomas Jefferson ditemui semula dan diterbitkan untuk pertama kalinya pada tahun 1953, disunting oleh Edwin M. Betts. Mereka memberikan data yang luas mengenai kelahiran budak dan budak, termasuk semua anak Sally Hemings, dan telah digunakan secara meluas oleh para penyelidik.

Sejarah lisan hitam menyimpan kisah hubungan Jefferson-Hemings dan tempat orang Amerika Afrika menjadi pusat sejarah Amerika Syarikat. Sejarawan kulit hitam mula menerbitkan bahan yang berkaitan dengan keturunan campuran Hemings. Lerone Bennett, dalam artikelnya, "Cucu Negro Thomas Jefferson," diterbitkan dalam Orang Ebony pada bulan November 1954, meneliti kehidupan semasa individu yang menuntut keturunan dari kesatuan ini. [35]

Pada tahun 1961, sejarawan Pearl M. Graham menerbitkan sebuah artikel di Jurnal Sejarah Negro pada Jefferson dan Hemings. Ia berdasarkan bahan dari Buku Ladang, serta garis masa terperinci mengenai aktiviti Jefferson yang dikembangkan oleh sejarawan Dumas Malone dalam biografinya yang luas. Ini diterbitkan dalam beberapa jilid bermula pada tahun 1940-an. Graham menyatakan bahawa Hemings mengandung anak-anaknya hanya ketika Jefferson tinggal di Monticello, ketika dia sering bepergian dan pergi untuk jangka masa yang panjang. Graham juga memberikan maklumat biografi mengenai anak-anak Sally yang dia menyokong akaun bahawa Hemings dan Jefferson mempunyai beberapa anak bersama. [36]

Pada tahun 1972, Fawn M. Brodie menerbitkan "The Great Jefferson Taboo" di Warisan Amerika majalah. [4] Dia membahas desas-desus hubungan Jefferson dengan Sally Hemings, budak kuadronnya, melakukan penelitian yang luas, dan menyimpulkan bahawa mereka memiliki hubungan yang panjang. [37] Mengantisipasi "kontroversi yang tidak dapat dielakkan", majalah itu berhenti dengan praktik biasa dan menerbitkan nota kaki Brodie yang luas untuk artikelnya. [37] [38]

Pada tahun 1953, Buku Pertanian Thomas Jefferson diterbitkan dalam versi yang diedit, setelah ditemui semula. Catatannya mengenai kelahiran budak, kematian, pembelian dan penjualan, dan maklumat lain telah memberikan banyak data kepada para penyelidik mengenai kehidupan budak-budak di Monticello, termasuk kelahiran semua anak-anak yang dikenali Sally Hemings. [39]

Dumas Malone mendokumentasikan aktiviti dan tempat tinggal Jefferson selama bertahun-tahun. Dokumentasinya dalam biografinya yang banyak (diterbitkan 1948-1981) memberikan perincian yang dianalisis oleh Pearl Graham untuk menunjukkan Jefferson berada di Monticello untuk konsepsi setiap anak Hemings. Dia tidak pernah mengandung ketika dia tidak berada di sana. Martha Randolph, anak perempuan Jefferson dengan Martha Wayles Jefferson, telah membuat tuntutan mati bahawa Jefferson pergi selama 15 bulan selama mana salah satu anak Hemings dikandung. Gordon-Reed menunjukkan bahawa tuntutan ini tidak disokong oleh dokumentasi Malone. Jefferson berada di Monticello pada masa pembuahan setiap anak. [20] [40]

Pada tahun 1968, sejarawan Winthrop Jordan mengatakan bahawa Jefferson berada di Monticello "sembilan bulan sebelum setiap kelahiran" anak-anak Hemings, dalam tempoh 13 tahun ketika dia sering pergi selama berbulan-bulan pada satu masa. Dia mengakui bahawa hubungan itu mungkin. [41] Fawn Brodie juga menggunakan maklumat ini dalam biografinya Jefferson, yang menyumbang pada kesimpulannya bahawa dia telah menjadi anak kepada anak-anak Hemings. [42] Sumber untuk tarikh lahir anak-anak adalah Jefferson's Farm Book. [43]

Pada tahun 2000, analisis statistik dari data konsepsi dan tempat tinggal Jefferson menyimpulkan bahawa 99 persen kemungkinan dia adalah ayah kepada anak-anaknya, dan hanya ada 1 persen kemungkinan dia bukan ayah dari semua anaknya. Analisis ini, yang biasanya disebut sebagai simulasi Monte Carlo, dilakukan oleh Fraser D. Neiman, ketua arkeologi di Monticello. [44] [45] Pada tahun 2001, Laporan Suruhanjaya Cendekiawan Thomas Jefferson Heritage Society mengkritik kajian ini, kerana mereka mengatakan Neiman tidak memperhitungkan kemungkinan adanya banyak ayah. [46] [47]

Anak-anak Hemings diberi nama untuk orang-orang dalam keluarga Randolph-Jefferson atau yang penting bagi Jefferson, dan bukan untuk orang-orang dalam keluarga Hemings. Ketika anak-anak bangsa campuran digaji oleh tuannya, mereka sering diberi nama orang dari keluarganya. [48] ​​Jefferson memberikan perlakuan istimewa kepada keluarga Hemings: ketiga-tiga lelaki itu ketika masih muda mempunyai tugas rumah tangga yang sangat ringan. Pada usia bekerja, mereka masing-masing magang kepada tukang kayu utama ladang, tukang yang paling mahir, yang juga paman mereka. Ini akan memberi mereka kemahiran untuk membuat kehidupan yang baik sebagai orang dewasa yang bebas. [48]

Menurut Annette Gordon-Reed, perlakuan Thomas Jefferson terhadap anak-anak Sally Hemings adalah petunjuk yang baik bahawa dia boleh menjadi bapa kepada anak-anak itu. Harriet Hemings tidak mula bekerja sebagai penenun sehingga berumur empat belas tahun. [49] Banyak budak Jefferson akan bermula pada pukul sepuluh. Contoh lain ialah tidak seperti budak lain, Madison Hemings menyatakan bahawa sehingga mereka bekerja, mereka akan menjalankan tugas dengan Sally. Perkara ini sangat jarang berlaku.

Yang paling penting, Gordon-Reed menyatakan bahawa Jefferson membebaskan semua anak-anak Hemings. Mereka adalah satu-satunya keluarga hamba yang bebas dari Monticello, mereka adalah satu-satunya hamba yang dibebaskan pada masa muda mereka dan ketika mereka meningkat usia, dan Harriet Hemings adalah satu-satunya hamba wanita yang pernah dibebaskannya. [50] He allowed Beverley (male) and Harriet to "escape" in 1822 at ages 23 and 21, although Jefferson was already struggling financially and would be $100,000 (US$2,287,353 in 2020 dollars [51] ) in debt at his death. [48] He gave his overseer money to give to Harriet for her journey. Jefferson avoided publicity this way, but the gentry at the time noted the Hemingses' absences Monticello overseer Edmund Bacon noted in his memoir (published after Jefferson's death) that people were talking about Harriet's departure, saying that she was Jefferson's daughter. [50] [52]

In his 1826 will, Jefferson freed the younger brothers Madison and Eston Hemings, who were approaching the age of 21. To enable them to stay in Virginia, Jefferson's will petitioned the legislature for permission for them to stay in the state with their families. (Such legislative approval was required by laws related to manumission and free blacks.) Jefferson also freed three older males from the extended Elizabeth Hemings family they had each served him for decades. His will also requested that they be allowed to stay in the state. [53] Jefferson's daughter Martha Randolph gave Sally Hemings "her time" after Jefferson's death, an informal freedom, and the former slave lived with her two younger sons, Madison and Eston, in nearby Charlottesville for nearly a decade before her death. [50]

According to an initial report on the findings of a 1998 DNA study which tested the Y-chromosome of direct male-line descendants of Eston Hemings, and other related tests, there is a high probability that Thomas Jefferson was the biological father of Eston Hemings, with a nearly perfect match between the DNA of Jefferson's paternal uncle and the descendants of Eston Hemings. [54] These initial claims were later relativised by the lead researcher in the case, acknowledging that the DNA was compatible with the paternity of some of Jefferson's relatives and that it was inconsistent with paternity by one of the Carr brothers. [55]

In the Monticello Commission's report on the paternity question, Dr. David Page, one of the committee's scientific case reviewers, recommended that additional research needed to be done into "the local population structure around Monticello two hundred years ago, as respects the Y chromosome," before entirely ruling out the possibility of the paternity of any of the other 7 potential paternity candidates. [56]

With the Eston Hemings descendant found consistent with the Jefferson male line, and inconsistent with the Carr male line, formerly skeptical biographers, such as Joseph Ellis and Andrew Burstein, publicly said they had changed their opinions and concluded that Jefferson had fathered Hemings' children. [57] [58] As Burstein said in 2005,

[T]he white Jefferson descendants who established the family denial in the mid-nineteenth century cast responsibility for paternity on two Jefferson nephews (children of Jefferson's sister) whose DNA was not a match. So, as far as can be reconstructed, there are no Jeffersons other than the president who had the degree of physical access to Sally Hemings that he did. [57]

In 2000, the Thomas Jefferson Foundation, which operates Monticello, issued a report of its own investigation, which concluded by accepting Jefferson's paternity. [59] Dr. Daniel P. Jordan, president of the foundation, committed at the time to incorporate "the conclusions of the report into Monticello's training, interpretation, and publications." This included new articles and monographs on the Hemings descendants reflecting the new evidence, as well as books on the interracial communities of Monticello and Charlottesville. New exhibits at Monticello show Jefferson as the father of the Sally Hemings children. [59] [60] In 2010, the Monticello website noted the new consensus that has emerged on Jefferson's paternity of Hemings' children in the decade since those major studies. [61]

In its January 2000 issue, the William and Mary Quarterly diterbitkan Forum: Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings Redux, a total of seven articles noting the changed consensus and the developing new views on Jefferson. [62] One article had the results of an analysis by Fraser D. Neiman, who studied the statistical significance of the relationship between Jefferson's documented residencies at Monticello and Hemings' conceptions. [44] He concluded that there was a 99 percent chance that Jefferson was the father of Hemings' children. [44]

In May 2000, PBS Garisan hadapan produced, Jefferson's Blood, a program about the issues related to the DNA test and historical controversy. It stated in its overview:

More than 20 years after CBS executives were pressured by Jefferson historians to drop plans for a mini-series on Jefferson and Hemings, the network airs Sally Hemings: An American Scandal. Though many quarreled with the portrayal of Hemings as unrealistically modern and heroic, no major historian challenged the series' premise that Hemings and Jefferson had a 38-year relationship that produced children. [63]

In the fall of 2001, the National Genealogical Society published a special issue of its quarterly devoted to the Jefferson–Hemings controversy. In several articles, its specialists concluded that, as the genealogist Helen M. Leary wrote, the "chain of evidence": historical, genealogical, and DNA, supported the conclusion that Thomas Jefferson was the father of all of Hemings' children. [64]

In 1999, the Thomas Jefferson Heritage Society (TJHS) commissioned its own report. Its founder and Director Emeritus Herbert Barger, [65] a family historian, had assisted Eugene Foster by finding descendants of the Jefferson male line, Woodsons and Carrs for testing for the DNA study. Foster later said that Barger was "fantastic" and "of immense help to me". [66] The TJHS Scholars Commission included Lance Banning, Robert F. Turner and Paul Rahe, among others. In 2001 the group published its report, in which the majority concluded there was insufficient evidence to determine that Jefferson was the father of Hemings' children. The report states that it is a matter about which reasonable people can disagree but the majority of the authors' conclusions, "range from serious skepticism about the charge to a conviction that it is almost certainly false". Their report suggested that his younger brother Randolph Jefferson, or one of his sons, was the father, and that Hemings may have had multiple partners. They emphasized that more than 20 Jefferson males lived in Virginia, eight within 20 miles of Monticello. Their report summary goes on to state "The most important results from the DNA testing may well have been the determination that Thomas Woodson, long thought by many to be the Tom referred to by James Callender in 1802 as having been conceived by Sally Hemings in Paris, and having a strong physical resemblance to the President could not have been the son of Thomas Jefferson. Subsequent DNA testing of descendants of a third Woodson son confirmed the earlier results. Most of us believe this goes far towards undermining any remaining credibility of the original Callender allegations." Paul Rahe published a minority view, saying he thought Jefferson's paternity of Eston Hemings was more likely than not. [67]

But the Monticello Jefferson-Hemings Report, examining Randolph Jefferson as a candidate, found that he made only four recorded visits to Monticello (in September 1802, September 1805, May 1808, and sometime in 1814), and none coincided with possible dates of Sally Hemings' conceptions. [68] In August 1807, a probable conception time for Eston Hemings, Thomas Jefferson wrote to his brother about visiting, but there is no evidence that the younger man arrived. Similarly, no documentation of a Randolph visit appears at the probable conception time for Madison Hemings. [69]

John H. Works, Jr., a Jefferson-Wayles descendant and a past president of the Monticello Association, a Jefferson lineage society, wrote that DNA tests indicated that any one of eight Jeffersons could have been the father of Eston. The team had concluded that Jefferson's paternity was the simplest explanation and consistent with historic evidence, but the DNA study could not identify Thomas Jefferson exclusively of other Jefferson males because no sample of his DNA was available. [70]

In the fall of 2001, articles in the National Genealogical Society Quarterly criticized the TJHS Scholars Commission Report for poor scholarship and failure to follow accepted historical practices of analysis, or to give sufficient weight to the body of evidence. [64] In the same year, historian Alexander Boulton wrote that Randolph Jefferson had never been seriously proposed as a candidate by historians before the 1998 DNA study. He noted "previous testimony had agreed" that Hemings had only one father for her children, and criticized the idea that she had multiple partners for her children. [71] Jeanette Daniels, Marietta Glauser, Diana Harvey and Carol Hubbell Ouellette conducted research and in 2003 concluded that Randolph Jefferson had been an infrequent visitor to Monticello. [72]

Monticello Association Edit

In 1999, Lucian Truscott IV, a Wayles-Jefferson descendant and member of the Monticello Association, the Jefferson lineage society, invited Hemings' descendants to that year's annual meeting. [73] The Association decided to commission its own report to determine whether it would admit Hemings' descendants to the lineage society (termed the MAC report or Membership Advisory Committee Report). The report was to determine whether the Hemings descendants could satisfy the society's requirements for documentation of lineage. The 2002 report to the Monticello Association concluded the evidence was insufficient to establish Jefferson's paternity. The majority of members voted against admitting the Hemings descendants as members of the group. [74] [75]

Truscott noted in Warisan Amerika magazine that the Association had not had such strict documentation standards before the DNA study results were published in 1998. He checked the previous membership rules and found the following:

ARTICLE III — Membership . . . Any lineal descendant of Thomas Jefferson who applies for membership, and annually pays dues as stated in the By-Laws of this Association, shall be a Regular Member of the Association. . . ." Only those 33 of the 93 words in that section of the article address membership criteria the rest of the paragraph was largely concerned with the payment of dues. [73]

In 2010, Shay Banks-Young and Julia Jefferson Westerinen (descended from Sally Hemings' sons Madison and Eston, respectively they identify as African American and white), and David Works (brother of John H. Works, Jr., and descended from Martha Wayles), were honored with the international "Search for Common Ground" award for "their work to bridge the divide within their family and heal the legacy of slavery." [76] The three have spoken about race and their extended family in numerous appearances across the country. [76] After organizing a reunion at Monticello in 2003 of both sides of the Jefferson family, they organized "The Monticello Community", for descendants of all who lived and worked there during Jefferson's lifetime. [77] In July 2007, the three-day Monticello Community Gathering brought together descendants of many people who had worked at the plantation, with educational sessions, tours of Monticello and Charlottesville, and other activities. [78]

Shay Banks-Young, a descendant of Madison Hemings, had grown up with a family tradition of descent from Jefferson. David Works had originally resisted the new DNA evidence, but after he read the commissioned reports, he became convinced of Jefferson's paternity. [76] Julia Jefferson Westerinen is descended from Eston Hemings. [79] After Hemings moved his family to Madison, Wisconsin in 1852, they took the surname Jefferson and entered the white community. His descendants married and identified as white from then on.

In the 1940s, Julia's father and his brothers changed the family oral tradition and told their children they were descended from an uncle of Jefferson, as they were trying to protect them from potential racial discrimination related to their descent from Sally Hemings. In the 1970s, a cousin read Fawn McKay Brodie's biography of Jefferson and recognized Eston Hemings' name from family stories. She contacted Brodie and learned the truth about their descent. [79] Their family was later contacted to recruit a male descendant for the 1998 DNA testing. Julia's brother, John Weeks Jefferson, was the Eston Hemings' descendant whose DNA matched that of the Jefferson male line. [80]

In his last book before the DNA test results were published, Andrew Burstein wrote that Jefferson could not have been the father of Hemings' children. [57] Since then he published Jefferson's Secrets: Death and Desire at Monticello (2005), in which he concluded that Jefferson did have a long-term sexual relationship with Sally Hemings. [81]

Burstein said in an interview about his 2005 book,

On Jefferson's isolated mountaintop, sex took place as part of a hierarchy that everyone involved understood. Jefferson, and those of his class, did not share our current understanding of sexual morality. Sally Hemings was his servant, and had little power. She was dependent economically, though this does not mean her feelings were irrelevant. But it does mean that he had extraordinary power, and she very little, and so, as his concubine, she had probably replicated her mother's relationship with Jefferson's father-in-law for she was, in fact, Jefferson's late wife's half-sister, and I have described the Hemings family as a parallel, subordinate family to the all-white Jeffersons. [57]

In 2005 Christopher Hitchens published a new biography of Jefferson, whom he had always admired and praised. While continuing that praise, he assessed the president and his views. In an interview on NPR about the book, Hitchens discussed Jefferson's pessimistic views of the possibility of the co-existence of whites and blacks in the United States. Dia berkata,

Then there's the odd, of course, fact that he had a very long love affair with a woman who he owned, who he inherited from his father-in-law, who was his wife's half-sister, and produced several children by her, whose descendants have mainly been brought up on the white side of the color line. So in a strange way, his own patrimony disproves his own belief that there couldn't be coexistence between black and white Americans. [82]

In her Pulitzer Prize-winning The Hemingses of Monticello: An American Family (2008), Annette Gordon-Reed recounts the history and biography of four generations of the enslaved Hemings family, focusing on their African and Virginian origins and interrelationships with the Jefferson-Wayles families, until the death in 1826 of Thomas Jefferson. [83] She discusses Jefferson's complex relationships as the family's master, Sally Hemings' partner, and the father of her children. [84]

Gordon-Reed is frequently asked about the emotional relationship between Jefferson and Hemings when giving talks. She writes, "In all the venues I have visited, from Houston to Stockholm, one question always arises: Did they love each other?" The question brings up many thorny issues in the context of a master-slave relationship. "Rape and the threat of it blighted the lives of countless enslaved women," she notes. "At the same time, some black women and white men did form bonds quite different in character than from those resulting from sexual coercion." [85]

In 2012, the Thomas Jefferson Foundation (which operated Monticello as a house museum and archive) and the Smithsonian Institution collaborated on a major exhibit held at the National Museum of American History, Slavery at Jefferson's Monticello: The Paradox of Liberty (January–October 2012). Described as a "groundbreaking exhibit", it was the first on the national Mall to address Jefferson as slaveholder and the family lives of slaves at Monticello. [86] Members and descendants of six families, including the Hemings, were documented and the strength of the enslaved families was shown. The exhibit also noted that "evidence strongly support[s] the conclusion that Jefferson was the father of Sally Hemings' children." [87] More than one million visitors saw the exhibit. Following the Washington run, the exhibit toured the US, being held at museums in Atlanta, St. Louis and other venues. Both the United States National Park Service and the University of Virginia's Miller Center of Public Affairs note in their online biographies that Jefferson's paternity of Hemings' children has been widely accepted. [2] [3]

In 1979, Barbara Chase-Riboud published a novel on Hemings that gave her a voice, portraying her as both an independent woman and Jefferson's concubine. [88] Jefferson historians succeeded in suppressing a planned CBS television film based on this novel. [63] In 1995, the film Jefferson in Paris was released, which portrayed a Jefferson-Hemings liaison. CBS aired the television film Sally Hemings: An American Scandal (1999), also portraying this relationship it was not challenged by any major historian. [63]

While historians have discussed the issue, numerous artists, writers and poets have grappled with the meaning of Jefferson's paternity in American history, as in these selections from a list of resources listed in a Lehigh University student project of "History on Trial": The Jefferson-Hemings Controversy: [89]


Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826)

Thomas Jefferson © Jefferson was a man of many talents. He was the author of the Declaration of American Independence, a founding father of the United States and the country's third president.

Thomas Jefferson was born in Shadwell, Virginia, on 13 April 1743 into a wealthy landowning family. He studied law and practiced until the early 1770s. He served as a magistrate and was a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses from 1769 to 1775.

By 1774, he was actively involved in organising opposition to British rule, and in his pamphlet 'A Summary View of the Rights of British America' Jefferson articulated the colonial position for independence. As a member of the second Continental Congress, he was the principal author of the Declaration of Independence. He returned to Virginia and served as governor from 1779 to 1781.

In 1784, Jefferson went to France where he served first as trade commissioner and then as American ambassador. He was in France for four years and witnessed the beginning of the French Revolution.

In 1790, he became the first secretary of state, a position he held until 1793, when he resigned after a quarrel with secretary of the treasury, Alexander Hamilton. Out of the diverging views of Jefferson and Hamilton were forming two separate political parties, the Democrat-Republicans and the Federalists.

In 1796, Jefferson reluctantly stood as the Republican candidate for president, losing by three votes to Federalist John Adams. He served as Adams' vice president between 1797 and 1801. In 1801, after a bitterly fought election, Jefferson became the third president of the United States, serving for two terms.

In 1803, Jefferson purchased the Louisiana territory from Napoleon for $15 million, almost doubling the size of the United States. He also authorised the Lewis and Clark Expedition (1804-1806), which explored the American west and north west.

During Jefferson's second term he attempted to maintain American neutrality in the Napoleonic wars, despite both England and France interfering with American shipping. Jefferson responded by forbidding American ships to sail to any European ports. This was disastrous for the American economy and the legislation was repealed shortly before Jefferson left office in 1809.

Jefferson retired to Monticello, the house he had built in Virginia. The founding of the University of Virginia was his most important achievement in these final years. In 1815, he sold his library to the federal government in Washington, where it became the nucleus of the Library of Congress. Jefferson died on 4 July 1826.


When Thomas Jefferson penned “all men are created equal,” he did not mean individual equality, says Stanford scholar

When the Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence on July 4, 1776, it was a call for the right to statehood rather than individual liberties, says Stanford historian Jack Rakove. Only after the American Revolution did people interpret it as a promise for individual equality.

In the decades following the Declaration of Independence, Americans began reading the affirmation that “all men are created equal” in different ways than the framers intended, says Stanford historian Jack Rakove.

With each generation, the words expressed in the Declaration of Independence have expanded beyond what the founding fathers originally intended when they adopted the historic document on July 4, 1776, says Stanford historian Jack Rakove. (Image credit: Getty Images)

On July 4, 1776, when the Continental Congress adopted the historic text drafted by Thomas Jefferson, they did not intend it to mean individual equality. Rather, what they declared was that American colonists, as a people, had the same rights to self-government as other nations. Because they possessed this fundamental right, Rakove said, they could establish new governments within each of the states and collectively assume their “separate and equal station” with other nations. It was only in the decades after the American Revolutionary War that the phrase acquired its compelling reputation as a statement of individual equality.

Here, Rakove reflects on this history and how now, in a time of heightened scrutiny of the country’s founders and the legacy of slavery and racial injustices they perpetuated, Americans can better understand the limitations and failings of their past governments.

Rakove is the William Robertson Coe Professor of History and American Studies and professor of political science, emeritus, in the School of Humanities and Sciences. Bukunya, Original Meanings: Politics and Ideas in the Making of the Constitution (1996), won the Pulitzer Prize in History. His new book, Beyond Belief, Beyond Conscience: The Radical Significance of the Free Exercise of Religion (Latihan Luar Biasa dari Agama) will be published next month.

With the U.S. confronting its history of systemic racism, are there any problems that Americans are reckoning with today that can be traced back to the Declaration of Independence and the U.S. Constitution?

I view the Declaration as a point of departure and a promise, and the Constitution as a set of commitments that had lasting consequences – some troubling, others transformative. The Declaration, in its remarkable concision, gives us self-evident truths that form the premises of the right to revolution and the capacity to create new governments resting on popular consent. The original Constitution, by contrast, involved a set of political commitments that recognized the legal status of slavery within the states and made the federal government partially responsible for upholding “the peculiar institution.” As my late colleague Don Fehrenbacher argued, the Constitution was deeply implicated in establishing “a slaveholders’ republic” that protected slavery in complex ways down to 1861.

But the Reconstruction amendments of 1865-1870 marked a second constitutional founding that rested on other premises. Together they made a broader definition of equality part of the constitutional order, and they gave the national government an effective basis for challenging racial inequalities within the states. It sadly took far too long for the Second Reconstruction of the 1960s to implement that commitment, but when it did, it was a fulfillment of the original vision of the 1860s.

As people critically examine the country’s founding history, what might they be surprised to learn from your research that can inform their understanding of American history today?

Two things. First, the toughest question we face in thinking about the nation’s founding pivots on whether the slaveholding South should have been part of it or not. If you think it should have been, it is difficult to imagine how the framers of the Constitution could have attained that end without making some set of “compromises” accepting the legal existence of slavery. When we discuss the Constitutional Convention, we often praise the compromise giving each state an equal vote in the Senate and condemn the Three Fifths Clause allowing the southern states to count their slaves for purposes of political representation. But where the quarrel between large and small states had nothing to do with the lasting interests of citizens – you never vote on the basis of the size of the state in which you live – slavery was a real and persisting interest that one had to accommodate for the Union to survive.

Second, the greatest tragedy of American constitutional history was not the failure of the framers to eliminate slavery in 1787. That option was simply not available to them. The real tragedy was the failure of Reconstruction and the ensuing emergence of Jim Crow segregation in the late 19th century that took many decades to overturn. That was the great constitutional opportunity that Americans failed to grasp, perhaps because four years of Civil War and a decade of the military occupation of the South simply exhausted Northern public opinion. Even now, if you look at issues of voter suppression, we are still wrestling with its consequences.

You argue that in the decades after the Declaration of Independence, Americans began understanding the Declaration of Independence’s affirmation that “all men are created equal” in a different way than the framers intended. How did the founding fathers view equality? And how did these diverging interpretations emerge?

When Jefferson wrote “all men are created equal” in the preamble to the Declaration, he was not talking about individual equality. What he really meant was that the American colonists, as a people, had the same rights of self-government as other peoples, and hence could declare independence, create new governments and assume their “separate and equal station” among other nations. But after the Revolution succeeded, Americans began reading that famous phrase another way. It now became a statement of individual equality that everyone and every member of a deprived group could claim for himself or herself. With each passing generation, our notion of who that statement covers has expanded. It is that promise of equality that has always defined our constitutional creed.

Thomas Jefferson drafted a passage in the Declaration, later struck out by Congress, that blamed the British monarchy for imposing slavery on unwilling American colonists, describing it as “the cruel war against human nature.” Why was this passage removed?

At different moments, the Virginia colonists had tried to limit the extent of the slave trade, but the British crown had blocked those efforts. But Virginians also knew that their slave system was reproducing itself naturally. They could eliminate the slave trade without eliminating slavery. That was not true in the West Indies or Brazil.

The deeper reason for the deletion of this passage was that the members of the Continental Congress were morally embarrassed about the colonies’ willing involvement in the system of chattel slavery. To make any claim of this nature would open them to charges of rank hypocrisy that were best left unstated.

If the founding fathers, including Thomas Jefferson, thought slavery was morally corrupt, how did they reconcile owning slaves themselves, and how was it still built into American law?

Two arguments offer the bare beginnings of an answer to this complicated question. The first is that the desire to exploit labor was a central feature of most colonizing societies in the Americas, especially those that relied on the exportation of valuable commodities like sugar, tobacco, rice and (much later) cotton. Cheap labor in large quantities was the critical factor that made these commodities profitable, and planters did not care who provided it – the indigenous population, white indentured servants and eventually African slaves – so long as they were there to be exploited.

To say that this system of exploitation was morally corrupt requires one to identify when moral arguments against slavery began to appear. One also has to recognize that there were two sources of moral opposition to slavery, and they only emerged after 1750. One came from radical Protestant sects like the Quakers and Baptists, who came to perceive that the exploitation of slaves was inherently sinful. The other came from the revolutionaries who recognized, as Jefferson argued in his Notes on the State of Virginia, that the very act of owning slaves would implant an “unremitting despotism” that would destroy the capacity of slaveowners to act as republican citizens. The moral corruption that Jefferson worried about, in other words, was what would happen to slaveowners who would become victims of their own “boisterous passions.”

But the great problem that Jefferson faced – and which many of his modern critics ignore – is that he could not imagine how black and white peoples could ever coexist as free citizens in one republic. There was, he argued in Query XIV of his Catatan, Jefferson argued that there was already too much foul history dividing these peoples. And worse still, Jefferson hypothesized, in proto-racist terms, that the differences between the peoples would also doom this relationship. He thought that African Americans should be freed – but colonized elsewhere. This is the aspect of Jefferson’s thinking that we find so distressing and depressing, for obvious reasons. Yet we also have to recognize that he was trying to grapple, I think sincerely, with a real problem.

No historical account of the origins of American slavery would ever satisfy our moral conscience today, but as I have repeatedly tried to explain to my Stanford students, the task of thinking historically is not about making moral judgments about people in the past. That’s not hard work if you want to do it, but your condemnation, however justified, will never explain why people in the past acted as they did. That’s our real challenge as historians.


7. He helped popularize ice cream in the U.S.

Jefferson spent time in France in the 1700s as a diplomat, and that’s where he was likely introduced to the dessert delicacy known as ice cream. While not the first to port over recipes to the United States, his frequent serving of it during his time as president contributed to increased awareness. Jefferson was so fond of ice cream that he had special molds and tools imported from France to help his staff prepare it because there was no refrigeration at the time, the confections were typically kept in ice houses and brought out to the amusement of guests, who were surprised by a frozen dish during summer parties. He also left behind what may be the first ice cream recipe in America: six egg yolks, a half-pound of sugar, two bottles of cream, and one vanilla bean.


Thomas Jefferson's 10 Rules Of Life — Mocked

Thomas Jefferson was a great one for giving out advice. As Anna Berkes points out on the Monticello website, the third U.S. president often took the opportunity to advise family and friends on all-around "best practices."

Over the years, she writes, Jefferson "developed a list of axioms for personal behavior. Some seem to have been of his own invention others derived from classical or literary sources."

Here is a "decalogue of canons for observation in practical life" that the former president imparted in 1825. The list was more popularly known as

Thomas Jefferson's 10 Rules Of Life

  1. Never put off till tomorrow what you can do to-day.
  2. Never trouble another for what you can do yourself.
  3. Never spend your money before you have it.
  4. Never buy what you do not want, because it is cheap it will be dear to you.
  5. Pride costs us more than hunger, thirst and cold.
  6. We never repent of having eaten too little.
  7. Nothing is troublesome that we do willingly.
  8. How much pain have cost us the evils which have never happened!
  9. Take things always by their smooth handle.
  10. When angry, count ten, before you speak if very angry, an hundred.

Throughout the 19th century, "Jefferson's 10 Rules" were printed and reprinted in newspapers and magazines. The Western Farmer published the rules in 1839 Southern Planter proffered them in 1843. "I vividly remember," wrote Margaret Cleveland in the August 1873 edition of Shaker and Shakeress Monthly, "in my early school-days, committing to memory Thomas Jefferson's Ten Rules of Life."

All across the country, the rules were recited and debated and taken to heart.

And, this being America, the rules were eventually satirized.

Obviously inspired by Jefferson's commandments, a twisted list of rules appeared in the Tribune Harian Chicago on Nov. 11, 1878. Numbered and rearranged for clarity, here are


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