Warisan Lincoln

Warisan Lincoln


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Philip Kunhardt pada "Warisan Lincoln's Contested"

Philip Kunhardt telah menghabiskan dua puluh tahun terakhir untuk menulis dan menghasilkan dokumentari mengenai subjek sejarah & # 8212 termasuk Kebebasan: Sejarah AS, Gema dari Rumah Putih dan Lincoln & # 8212dan telah bersama-sama mengarang empat buku pendamping untuk siri ini. Karyanya berkisar dari studi sepuluh bahagian mengenai kepresidenan Amerika, hingga sejarah kekerasan di Amerika, hingga beberapa siri mengenai sejarah kebebasan Amerika. Namun, dia berulang kali kembali ke tajuk Abraham Lincoln. Buku terbarunya, Mencari Lincoln, dikeluarkan pada November lalu.

Apa yang menarik anda untuk cerita ini? Bolehkah anda menerangkan asal usulnya?

Pada awal 1990-an, saya menulis dan menghasilkan bersama sebuah filem dokumentari berdurasi tiga jam mengenai kehidupan Abraham Lincoln & # 8217s dan merupakan pengarang bersama jilid pendamping, Lincoln: An Illustrated Biografi. Buku itu mengikuti kronologi kehidupan Lincoln & # 8217s, 1809-1865, walaupun buku itu bermula di tengah-tengah cerita dengan kedatangan rahsia Lincoln & # 8217 di Washington & # 8212 di tengah-tengah ancaman kematian & # 8212 untuk pelantikannya. Buku ini mempunyai bahagian selepasnya yang pendek, dan saya masih ingat ketika berfikir bahawa buku itu dapat dikembangkan menjadi buku yang baru. Buku baru saya, Mencari Lincoln, yang dikarang bersama dengan saudara dan anak saudara saya, bermula dengan peluru yang membunuh presiden ke-16 dan berakhir 61 tahun kemudian dengan kematian anaknya, Robert. Dalam artikel Smithsonian saya, saya berpeluang meneruskan kisah ini hingga sekarang.

Apa yang paling mengejutkan anda semasa membuat liputan cerita ini?

Saya rasa yang paling mengejutkan saya ialah mengetahui bagaimana ingatan Lincoln & # 8217 telah dipanggil oleh pihak lawan kutub & # 8212 misalnya oleh para sosialis dan Komunis Briged Abraham Lincoln pada tahun 1930-an dan oleh senator anti-Komunis, Joseph McCarthy pada tahun 1950-an. Di satu pihak, saya ingin bertanya apakah ada orang yang mempunyai kepelbagaian yang boleh mempunyai mesej yang jelas untuk kita hari ini. Sebaliknya, saya semakin menghargai kenyataan bahawa begitu banyak orang ingin merasa dekat dengan Lincoln. Terdapat ketegangan antara sejarah dan ingatan, dan mereka tidak selalu sama. Tetapi dengan Lincoln, anda dapat & # 8217 sepenuhnya memisahkan lelaki itu dari mitos & # 8212 dua aspek itu saling terkait dalam dirinya, dan sejak tahun-tahun terakhir hidupnya.

Apakah momen kegemaran anda semasa membuat laporan?

Momen kegemaran saya semasa pelaporan adalah mendengar ucapan penerimaan Barack Obama di Grant Park di Chicago dan mendengarnya petikan dari alamat sulung pertama Lincoln & # 8220Kami bukan musuh, tetapi rakan. Kita tidak boleh menjadi musuh. & # 8221 Saya tahu Obama memuji Lincoln dengan hormat, tetapi pada saat itu saya melihat pemenuhan mendalam tentang impian Amerika dan busur yang meluas dari masa Lincoln hingga ke zaman kita sendiri. Saya tiba-tiba tahu bahawa karya saya untuk Smithsonian harus klimaks dengan momen dalam sejarah & momen sejarah yang kini telah dilanjutkan ke majlis mengangkat sumpah dengan tangannya di Alkitab Lincoln.

Mengenai Jesse Rhodes

Jesse Rhodes adalah bekas Smithsonian kakitangan majalah. Jesse adalah penyumbang kepada Perpustakaan Kongres Perang Dunia II Sahabat.


Warisan Lincoln

Dulu hanya sebuah pondok dan kapel di tengah-tengah kota khemah yang ditangguhkan oleh tuberkulosis, John C. Lincoln Health Network kini menjadi dua hospital yang tidak berfaedah, segelintir organisasi khidmat masyarakat, dan bukti di seluruh Lembah warisan pencipta dan usahawan berkarisma yang memberikan namanya kepada organisasi.

Dilahirkan di Ohio oleh seorang menteri penghapusan dan isteri doktornya, John C. Lincoln membuat kejayaan awal dan luar biasa dari dirinya sendiri, mendirikan Lincoln Electric pada tahun 1895 dan membimbing syarikat itu menjadi terkenal dengan mencipta dan memasarkan pengeluar lengkok busur pertama di dunia & rsquos. Hidup baik bagi John C. di Midwest sehingga isterinya yang masih muda, Helen Lincoln, didiagnosis menderita tuberkulosis pada tahun 1931. Setelah berfikir selama enam minit, John C. (pada waktu itu sudah berusia 50-an) memutuskan untuk mengemas tiga anak-anak dan meninggalkan Cleveland ke Arizona, keadaan sihir pernafasan yang dikhabarkan.

Dalam dua tahun, Helen kembali sihat dan keluarga itu mula bekerja dengan Desert Mission, tempat perlindungan bagi orang sakit dan miskin Sunnyslope. & ldquoIa adalah koloni batuk kering di utara bandar, & rdquo kata David Lincoln, keluarga & anak bongsu. & ldquoDi sebelah utara terusan jadi tidak ada & bahkan ada pengairan di sana. & rdquo

Sumbangan Lincolns & rsquo pertama $ 2,000 pada tahun 1933 membantu membeli 20 ekar untuk pengembangan Mission & rsquos, sumbangan yang memulakan komitmen multi-generasi kepada organisasi, yang dinamakan semula sebagai John C. Lincoln Health Network pada tahun 1954. Helen, David, dan sekarang Anak perempuan David & rsquos Katie Lincoln telah menjadi ahli lembaga pengarah rangkaian & rsquos.

Semasa John C. menandatangani cek itu, Helen adalah orang yang benar-benar berminat untuk menjaga kesihatan. Berdiri setinggi bahu suaminya & Helco, Helen bersikap cerah, berkeinginan kuat dan aktif dalam setiap arti kata. Lulusan kolej dan bekas guru matematik dan sains, Helen adalah orang yang memperjuangkan rangkaian yang sedang berkembang. Ketika dia memanggil pertemuan pada tahun 1940-an untuk mula merancang Rumah Sakit North Mountain yang akan datang dan tidak ada seorang pun yang muncul, dia duduk di batu batu bendera dekat laman web ini, mengumpulkan beberapa idea dan memastikan untuk memberitahu semua orang tentang mereka ketika dia kembali.

Foto ihsan John C. Lincoln John C. Lincoln dengan Barry Goldwater & ldquoI & rsquove selalu mengatakan mengenai [Helen] bahawa dia tidak cukup memahami apa pindaan [19] itu, untuk memberi hak yang sama kepada wanita, & rdquo Katie Lincoln mengatakan. & ldquoDia berkata & mengapa anda memerlukan sehelai kertas yang memberitahu anda apa yang anda boleh dan boleh & rsquot lakukan? Lakukan sahaja. & Rsquo & rdquo

Sementara Helen mengabdikan waktunya untuk mengembangkan perawatan kesihatan, John C. melakukan penemuan dan perniagaan yang tidak berkesudahan & menjana jutaan buatannya sendiri datang dari 54 paten yang mengejutkan dalam 64 tahun. Paten pertamanya adalah brek elektrik untuk kereta jalanan pada tahun 1891, yang ke-55 dianugerahkan secara anumerta untuk kusyen musim bunga yang masih digunakan pada kereta hari ini. Semangat ingin tahu lelaki & rsquos itu hadir sejak hari pertama dia tiba di Arizona.

& ldquoKami tinggal di dua suite besar di resort yang sangat bagus, Jokake Inn, & rdquo David Lincoln mengatakan mengenai keluarga & rsquos minggu pertama di Arizona. & ldquoIni adalah pertengahan Kemelesetan Besar, jadi mereka gembira mempunyai keluarga lima orang untuk musim sejuk. Jika tidak, saya tidak fikir mereka akan menyukainya ketika ayah mengubah bilik mandi mereka menjadi makmal kimia untuk menguji lapisan yang berbeza pada batang kimpalan! & Rdquo

Sebenarnya, pelbagai minat John C. & rsquos sering meninggalkan sedikit masa untuk keluarga, tetapi Helen, tegas dan muda, membuat perlawanan yang sempurna.

& ldquoDad adalah seorang usahawan, jadi dia mencari perniagaan dan harta tanah yang lebih kecil, [dan] pada tahap yang sama, ia adalah ibu yang membesarkan kami, & rdquo David. & ldquoDad, menjadi 25 tahun lebih tua [daripada Helen], dalam beberapa aspek, seperti datuk. Ibu adalah orang yang menjalankan persembahan. & Rdquo

Walaupun sibuk sepanjang hari seperti banyak bapa pada waktu itu, John C. ada di rumah untuk makan malam setiap malam, kata David. Dengan keluarga yang dijaga dengan baik di rumah, John C. bebas untuk mencari penyebab yang membentuk Phoenix selamanya.

Melihat lebih dekat di Lembah menunjukkan tanda Lincoln & rsquos di tempat yang eklektik seperti minatnya. Pembiayaannya sangat penting untuk pembinaan Camelback Inn di Paradise Valley, sebuah resort mewah yang menarik beberapa pelancong kaya pertama ke Phoenix. Penyokong kuat YMCA, Lincolns adalah penyumbang terbesar ke lokasi Downtown Phoenix. Malah Lincoln Drive yang indah di Phoenix dinamakan sempena namanya.

Walaupun terdapat senarai pencapaian yang tidak pernah berakhir, John C. menolak perhatian, membiarkan Desert Mission mengambil namanya pada tahun 1954 hanya setelah 20 tahun penglibatan dan dorongan kuat dari Helen.

Sama seperti penerima manfaatnya, rangkaian kesihatan menghargai inovasi. Pada tahun 1967, hospital ini menjadi yang pertama di Phoenix yang memiliki heliport yang diluluskan oleh FAA, dan pada tahun 1979, ia menjadi pusat Trauma Tingkat I, sambil mengekalkan nilai amalnya.

& ldquoTidak & # 39; ada pertanyaan mengenai sama ada anda & # 39; akan meminta untuk memberikannya & # 39; s berapa, & rdquo Katie mengatakan tentang datuk dan neneknya. & ldquoMereka adalah orang-orang yang sangat beretika yang mempercayai komuniti & # 8230 bukan hanya tentang orang-orang yang mempunyai banyak wang atau yang mempunyai tanah atau akses ke rawatan kesihatan yang baik. & rdquo

Ketika John C. meninggal pada tahun 1959 pada usia 92 tahun, Helen dan rakan-rakannya segera memulakan penggalangan dana untuk sebuah hospital rasmi untuk memperingati perbuatannya, Hospital John C. Lincoln bertingkat yang kita tahu hari ini membuka pintunya pada tahun 1965. Helen berusia 102 tahun , mengalahkan prognosisnya selama enam dekad.

& ldquoMereka berkongsi minat mereka berkongsi pandangan tentang dunia, & rdquo Katie mengenai datuk dan neneknya. Brad Hansen, salah seorang ketua dewan rangkaian & rsquos, mengatakan bahawa rasa layanan masyarakat mereka ditanamkan dalam keluarga dan usaha mereka.

Baru pada bulan September yang lalu, David Lincoln dan isterinya, Joan, menyumbangkan $ 4 juta untuk menjadikan lobi di John C. Lincoln North Mountain Hospital lebih moden dan mesra, kerana, seperti yang dikatakan oleh David, & ldquoAnda tidak akan pernah mendapat peluang kedua untuk menjana kebaikan kesan pertama. & rdquo

& ldquoMereka hidup dengan tindakan mereka daripada kata-kata, & rdquo Hansen mengatakan. Keluarga lincoln hari ini mendapat pemanduan dari John C. & rdquo


Warisan Lincoln - SEJARAH

Pemerhatian Kesembilan belas Kebangsaan Yayasan
Perayaan Kebebasan

Warisan Budaya Lincoln untuk Kebebasan
Kesembilan belas

Pencapaian Presiden Lincoln menjamin warisannya yang berterusan. Dia menyelamatkan Kesatuan dan membebaskan hamba. Dalam Alamat Gettysburg, dia mendefinisikan Perang Saudara sebagai pengabdian kembali terhadap cita-cita yang dinyatakan dalam Deklarasi Kemerdekaan.

Semangat yang membimbing Lincoln terbukti dalam Ucapan Perasmian keduanya. Ucapan ini tertulis di salah satu tembok Lincoln Memorial di Washington, DC ". Dengan niat jahat terhadap siapa pun dengan amal untuk semua dengan keteguhan di sebelah kanan, kerana Tuhan memberi kita untuk melihat yang benar, marilah kita berusaha untuk menyelesaikan pekerjaan kita untuk mengikat luka bangsa. "

Menyedari bahawa hamba masih tidak dianggap bebas di banyak negeri Amerika Syarikat, pada hari 22 September, 1862 A.D., sebuah proklamasi dikeluarkan oleh Presiden Lincoln Amerika Syarikat, untuk membebaskan semua budak yang disebut Proklamasi Pembebasan. Proklamasi ini dilakukan ke Galvaston Texas, (keadaan terakhir di Amerika Syarikat pada 19 Jun 1965. Baca Lagi

Anggota NJOF dan Ahli Gabungan meraikan ulang tahun ulang tahun Abraham Lincoln ke-200 pada 12 Februari 1809 dalam perayaan dua hari dua hari sebagai sebahagian daripada Siri Kuliah Bicentenial nasional.

12 Feb 2009 Acara Muskogee Public Schools Muskogee OK Lecture Series di Muskogee Public Schools. The Oklahoma Juneteenth Historical Foundation (OJHF) menjemput orang ramai untuk menghadiri Siri Kuliah Lincoln Bicentennial di Sekolah Awam Muskogee, pada hari Khamis, 12 Februari. Baca lebih lanjut

NJOF dan Afiliate akan meneruskan perayaan ini kerana mereka mengingati Lincoln Legacy sepanjang tahun-tahun mendatang.


Warisan Lincoln - SEJARAH

Legenda popular mengatakan bahawa ketika bertemu dengan pengarang UNCLE TOM'S CABIN, Abraham Lincoln menyatakan "Jadi anda wanita kecil yang menulis buku yang memulakan Perang Besar ini!" Stowe telah mengunjungi Lincoln dengan tujuan mendorong pembebasan. Dia kemudian menulis tentang Lincoln: "Di antara banyak tuduhan yang selama bertahun-tahun ditimpakan oleh Lincoln, luar biasa bahawa dia tidak pernah disebut mencari diri atau egois. Ketika kita yang bermasalah dan duduk dalam kegelapan, dan memandang dengan ragu-ragu ke arah ketua presiden, tidak pernah kita meragui niat juruterbang kita - hanya kejelasan penglihatannya. Tetapi Tuhan Yang Maha Kuasa telah memberikan kepadanya penglihatan yang jelas yang dia berikan kepada yang benar, dan memungkinkannya untuk menginjakkan kakinya yang jujur ​​di tanah kebebasan yang dijanjikan yang akan menjadi hak milik semua manusia, hitam dan putih-dan mulai sekarang bangsa-bangsa akan bangkit dan memanggilnya diberkati. "

Wartawan anti perbudakan Horace Greeley terkenal menyudutkan Lincoln mengenai isu penghapusan dalam sebuah editorial dalam makalahnya NEW YORK TRIBUNE berjudul "Doa Dua Puluh Juta:" "DEAR SIR: Saya tidak mengganggu untuk memberitahu anda - kerana anda mesti tahu sudah - bahawa sebilangan besar dari mereka yang menang dalam pilihan raya anda, dan dari semua yang menginginkan penindasan pemberontakan yang tidak layak yang kini menghancurkan negara kita, sangat kecewa dan sangat sedih dengan kebijakan yang sepertinya anda jalankan berkenaan dengan budak-budak Pemberontak. " Lincoln membalas Greeley dengan surat umum.

Hari Jumaat adalah hari yang baik
Dari keajaiban dan kejahatan,
Ketika mereka membunuhnya dengan kasihan,
Ketika mereka membunuhnya di masa perdana
Ketenangan dan ketenangan--
Ketika dengan kerinduan dia penuh
Untuk menebus kehendak jahat,
Dan, walaupun penakluk, baiklah
Tetapi mereka membunuhnya dalam kebaikannya,
Dalam kegilaan dan kebutaan mereka,
Dan mereka membunuhnya dari belakang.

Ucapan umum Emerson untuk Lincoln, Ucapan di Perkhidmatan Pengebumian yang Diadakan di Concord, 19 APRIL, 1865 disiarkan di surat khabar di seluruh negara. "Kita bertemu di bawah malapetaka malapetaka yang menggelapkan fikiran orang-orang baik di seluruh masyarakat sipil, ketika berita menakutkan berjalan di laut, darat, dari negara ke negara, seperti bayangan gerhana yang tidak terhitung di planet ini. Seolah-olah sejarah, dan berlipat ganda seperti tragedi-tragedinya, saya ragu-ragu jika ada kematian yang menyebabkan begitu banyak penderitaan kepada manusia kerana ini telah menyebabkan, atau akan menyebabkan, pada pengumumannya dan ini, tidak banyak kerana negara-negara oleh seni moden membawa begitu bersama-sama, kerana harapan dan ketakutan yang misterius yang, pada masa kini, berkaitan dengan nama dan institusi Amerika. "

Di sepanjang musim bunga, tanah, di tengah-tengah kota,
Di tengah-tengah lorong dan melewati hutan lama, di mana akhir-akhir ini violet mengintip
dari tanah, melihat serpihan kelabu,
Di tengah-tengah rumput di ladang di setiap sisi lorong, melewati jalan
rumput yang tidak berkesudahan,
Melewati gandum kuning-lembing, setiap butir dari kafannya masuk
ladang coklat gelap naik,
Melewati pohon epal putih dan merah jambu di kebun,
Membawa jenazah ke tempat mayatnya akan dikuburkan di kubur, Malam dan siang mengembara keranda.

Dua puluh tahun Lincoln telah menghasilkan beberapa karya sejarah baru mengenai hubungan antara Lincoln dan Frederick Douglass. Dalam Orasinya dalam Memori Abraham Lincoln yang disampaikan pada Perasmian Monumen The Freedmen pada tahun 1876, Douglass mencatat tindakan penyeimbangan politik dan sosial yang sukar dilakukan oleh Lincoln: "Sekiranya dia meletakkan penghapusan perbudakan sebelum keselamatan Kesatuan, dia pasti akan didorong olehnya kelas yang kuat dari rakyat Amerika dan menjadikan perlawanan terhadap pemberontakan tidak mungkin. Dilihat dari landasan penghapusan yang tulen, Mr. Lincoln nampaknya terlambat, dingin, membosankan, dan acuh tak acuh tetapi mengukurnya dengan sentimen negaranya, sentimen dia terikat sebagai negarawan untuk berunding, dia cepat, bersemangat, radikal, dan bertekad. "

Setelah dia menulis penilaian ringkas tentang Lincoln di majalah THE CRISIS pada tahun 1922, Dubois dibanjiri surat-menyurat dengan mengatakan bahawa dia telah melakukan kesalahan terhadap orang besar itu. Dia menjawab: "Beberapa orang mungkin lebih suka mempercayai (seperti yang dinyatakan oleh seorang wartawan) bahawa dia berasal dari keturunan Mayflower melalui 'Lin-coins of Hingham!' Yang lain mungkin enggan mempercayai seleranya dalam lelucon dan manuver politik dan menyenaraikannya sebagai penghapus dan pembela asal Negro. pertarungan berlaku dengan baik dan tidak. Saya lebih mementingkan jari kaki Lincoln daripada seluruh tubuh George Washington yang sempurna, keturunan yang bersih, yang 'tidak pernah berbohong' dan tidak pernah melakukan perkara lain yang menarik. "Sekali lagi Lincoln," THE KRISIS, September 1922.

Ahli sejarah Eric Foner di "Our Lincoln"
Ketika ulang tahun dua puluhan tahun Abraham Lincoln semakin hampir, Bill Moyers duduk bersama sejarawan dan penulis biografi Lincoln, Eric Foner untuk membincangkan legasi dan legenda presiden Amerika yang paling banyak dikaji. (6 Februari 2009)

Moyers di Lincoln
Bill Moyers merenungkan warisan Lincoln. "Saya mempunyai seorang profesor sejarah di University of Texas - Robert Cotter - yang mempercayai kualiti Abraham Lincoln yang paling luar biasa adalah rasa empati terhadap orang yang dia sendiri tidak kenal. Orang yang bekerja. Askar dalam pertempuran. Janda dan anak yatimnya. " (6 Februari 2009)

MENCARI LINCOLN
Dalam usaha PBS ini, sejarawan Henry Louis Gates Jr untuk mengumpulkan kehidupan kompleks Abraham Lincoln membawanya dari Illinois ke Gettysburg ke Washington, DC, dan bersemuka dengan orang yang tinggal bersama Lincoln setiap hari pemburu peninggalan , re-enactors, dan lain-lain yang minatnya terhadap kajian Lincoln. Laman web ini juga merangkumi peta laman Lincoln di A.S., kuiz pengetahuan Lincoln, dan garis masa interaktif.

PENGALAMAN AMERIKA
Pembunuhan Abraham Lincoln "perdana pada 9 Februari 2009 (periksa senarai tempatan.) Anda juga boleh melihat keseluruhan rancangan dalam talian.


James H. Cone
Dengan adanya tali dan pohon lincah memasuki perbincangan nasional setelah peristiwa berita baru-baru ini, Bill Moyers menemubual ahli teologi James Cone tentang bagaimana gambar kuat ini berkaitan dengan simbol salib dan bagaimana mereka menandakan kedua-dua tragedi dan kemenangan. (23 November 2007)

Perspektif Baru mengenai Lincoln dan Dunianya
Dengarkan persembahan Eric Foner ke perbincangan panel khas mengenai warisan Lincoln. Sorotan audio tambahan termasuk: Sean Wilentz mengenai kedudukan Lincoln yang berkembang dalam konteks politik parti John Oakes mempertimbangkan pandangan Lincoln mengenai bangsa dan kewarganegaraan dan juga esei mengenai gaya sastera, kepercayaan agama, dan kehidupan keluarga Lincoln.

LINCOLN DALAM LITERATUR
Pilihan entri dari THE LINCOLN ANTHOLOGY, bacaan tambahan dan sumber video dan Web Lincoln.

DUA LINKOLN TAHUN TANPA HILANG
Lihat esei foto ikon nombor satu Amerika.

MOYERS ON SEJARAH AMERIKA Kepercayaan, bangsa, imigresen, ketidaksamaan menelusuri akar permasalahan Amerika kontemporari dengan tinjauan pembentangan JURNAL ini di udara dan dalam talian.


Lawati kami hari ini!

Muzium Lincoln
66 Dataran Lincoln
Hodgenville, KY 42748
Klik di sini untuk mendapatkan arahan.
Telefon: 270-358-3163
E-mel: [email protected]

DIBUKA HARIAN:
Isnin-Sabtu 8:30 pagi hingga 4:30 petang
Ahad 12:30 malam hingga 4:30 petang


Semua masa adalah Waktu Timur

Muzium Lincoln ditutup pada hari cuti berikut:
Ahad Paskah, Hari Kesyukuran, Malam Krismas, Hari Krismas, Hari Tahun Baru

KADAR PENDAFTARAN
berkuatkuasa pada 27 Oktober 2019
Dewasa (umur 12 hingga 59) = $ 5
Warga emas (umur 60 tahun ke atas) = ​​$ 4
Kanak-kanak (umur 4 hingga 11 tahun) = $ 3
Di bawah umur 4 = percuma
Tentera Aktif = percuma
Mereka yang berumur di bawah 12 tahun mesti ditemani oleh orang dewasa.
AKSESIBILITI: Muzium ini boleh diakses dengan kerusi roda.

MINGGUAN COUNTY RENDAH

Muzium Lincoln akan memulakan musim bunga pada minggu LaRue County dari Isnin, 5 April hingga Ahad, 11 April. Kemasukan adalah percuma bagi mana-mana penduduk LaRue County. Kanak-kanak di bawah umur 12 tahun mesti ditemani oleh orang dewasa.

Ditubuhkan pada tahun 1989, The Lincoln Museum adalah organisasi bukan untung 501c3 yang disokong oleh masyarakat yang dikhaskan untuk pemeliharaan warisan Abraham Lincoln dan memelihara dan mempromosikan sejarah dan warisan LaRue County, Kentucky.


Menjelaskan janji-janji yang dipungkiri mengenai ‘dues kebebasan’

"Tanah adalah dasar kekayaan di Amerika kolonial," jelas sejarawan Clyde Ford, dan mengapa banyak pemilik tanah memungkiri janji-janji kebebasan kepada bekas hamba yang diberi jaminan. Foto oleh Humanities Washington.

Untuk memahami iklim hubungan kaum di Amerika ketika ini adalah dengan memahami suatu periode sejarah antara tahun 1619, ketika orang Afrika pertama tiba di Virginia, dan tahun 1640. Perhambaan belum diberikan di jajahan, tetapi keputusan dibuat dalam 20 tahun yang akan mengubah perjalanan sejarah Amerika selama-lamanya. Itu adalah awal dari janji-janji panjang yang dipatahkan yang berkaitan dengan buruh dan tanah. Pengarang dan sejarawan Clyde W. Ford bergabung dengan Evan Kleiman Good Food untuk menjelaskan masa yang sangat penting ini, bermula dengan sesuatu yang disebut "kebebasan."

KCRW: Apa itu hak kebebasan?

Clyde Ford: "Ini adalah janji yang sangat penting yang dibuat untuk hamba yang diberi jaminan, Hitam dan putih. Pengertiannya adalah bahawa anda berhutang sesuatu selain hanya membayar kepada tuan. Tuan sering membayar yuran untuk pengangkutan dari Eropah ke Amerika, dan anda berhutang lebih dari itu. Dan bahawa sesuatu yang anda berhutang sering merangkumi, pada dasarnya, cara bagi hamba yang diberi jaminan untuk mencari nafkah, agar tidak menjadi beban kepada masyarakat. Dan itu adalah [dalam bentuk] tanah, gandum, dan pakaian.

Tanah adalah asas kekayaan di Amerika penjajah. Di Virginia kolonial, khususnya, lelaki tanah tidak begitu senang ingin menyerahkan tanah itu kepada seseorang yang dulu bekerja untuk mereka. Oleh itu, anda sering mendapati bahawa pemilik tanah akan bertempur di mahkamah, dan mereka akan melakukan semua yang mereka tidak dapat memberikan tanah itu kepada mantan pelayan mereka yang diberi jaminan, terutama kepada mantan pelayan tanpa jaminan Afrika. Terdapat beberapa kes mahkamah dalam catatan di mana kita dapat melihat bekas hamba yang benar-benar menuntut di mahkamah dan memenangkan hak kebebasan mereka. Maksudnya, mereka mendapat tanah, mereka mendapat gandum. Mereka mendapat alat untuk mengusahakan tanah itu, dan mereka mendapat pakaian.

Janji asas itu - bahawa anda akan memberikan seseorang yang bekerja untuk anda dan membantu anda, sebagai tuan, mencipta kekayaan, bahawa anda akan mengembalikan beberapa aspek kekayaan itu kepada mantan hamba itu - adalah janji asas mengenai hak kebebasan yang saya kurangkan, dan kita telah melihat, mengabaikan orang Amerika Afrika sepanjang sejarah. Tetapi idea asas mengenai iuran kebebasan benar-benar asas bagi penubuhan negara ini.

Bagaimana industri dan teknologi, dalam bentuk kapas, dengan potensi yang harus dilakukan untuk mengurangi ketergantungan pada pekerja budak, akhirnya memberikan kesan yang sebaliknya?

“Di sini, anda benar-benar melihat permulaan, atau paling tidak satu saat, hubungan pelik ini di mana teknologi berjalan pada kadar yang sangat pesat. Dan hubungan antara kaum di Amerika Syarikat hampir berjalan ke arah yang bertentangan.

Banyak orang ingin mengatakan bahawa Eli Whitney ada dalam fikirannya bahawa jas kapas akan mengakhiri perbudakan. Dia tidak. Dan itu mesti benar-benar jelas. Tidak ada catatan dalam surat-suratnya, dalam suratnya kepada ayahnya, atau dokumen sejarah lain, yang menunjukkan bahawa Whitney sendiri berpendapat bahawa jas kapas itu akan menjadi kematian bagi perbudakan. Tetapi ada yang menghapuskannya. Dan pemikirannya adalah seperti ini: Sekitar pergantian abad ke-18, masalahnya adalah bahawa bagi banyak pemilik hamba dan pemilik perkebunan Selatan, kos untuk menjaga harta benda manusia mereka, orang-orang yang diperbudak yang bekerja untuk mereka, lebih daripada keuntungan yang mereka perolehi mendapat dari kerja mereka. Oleh itu, pemilik hamba mula berfikir, 'Ya Tuhan, ekonomi perhambaan tidak berjaya.'

Sekarang, idea dengan kapas adalah bahawa, 'Baiklah, ini akan mendorongnya lebih jauh.' Kapas kapas. bermaksud anda tidak perlu menggunakan tenaga kerja yang sama untuk menghasilkan kapas, kerana sekarang mesin dapat melakukannya. Tetapi apa yang ditemui oleh budak hamba adalah, 'Tunggu sebentar, kami memiliki teknologi hebat ini yang hanya dapat mengeluarkan kapas yang boleh dicetak, yang dapat dikirim ke pabrik tekstil Utara untuk membuat pakaian yang kemudian dikirim ke seluruh dunia untuk dijual ... Jika kita boleh memasukkan lebih banyak kapas ke dalam gins, kita dapat menjana lebih banyak wang ... '

Bagaimana anda mendorong lebih banyak kapas melalui gins? Anda mendapat lebih banyak orang yang bekerja di ladang kapas. Begitu juga dengan pengenalan kapas, perbudakan benar-benar meletup, kerana sekarang pemilik perkebunan Selatan melihat cara untuk menjana wang dari pekerja orang-orang yang diperbudak yang mereka kuasai. "

Terdapat banci luar biasa dari 700,000 orang sekitar 1790 hingga 4 juta pada awal tahun 1800-an. Dan kemudian kita terus maju ke tahun 1862, ketika Lincoln menyusun Proklamasi Pembebasan, yang diikuti oleh Perintah Bidang Khas Jenderal Sherman No. 15, atau peruntukan yang lebih biasa disebut "40 ekar dan keledai". Bagaimana janji itu tidak dapat ditunaikan?

Mari kita luangkan sedikit masa dan katakan sedikit mengenai Lincoln dan pembebasan. Idea bahawa Lincoln membebaskan hamba benar-benar menggelikan. Mana-mana sejarawan serius yang membaca Proklamasi Pembebasan. akan memahami bahawa Lincoln hanya membebaskan hamba di kawasan negara yang berperang dengan Kesatuan. Oleh itu, dia membebaskan hamba di daerah-daerah di negara itu yang tidak mengakui kewibawaannya ... Salah satu perkara yang sangat pelik adalah dia membebaskan budak-budak di Selatan, tanpa rancangan untuk kebebasan mereka.

Apa yang berlaku ialah Jeneral Sherman, salah seorang jeneral Lincoln, menyedari kita lebih baik mempunyai rancangan untuk orang Afrika Amerika sekiranya kita menang dalam perang. Oleh itu, Sherman kemudian pergi, di Carolina Selatan, ke sekumpulan menteri kulit hitam dan berkata kepada mereka, 'Hei, apa yang anda mahu lakukan? Apa yang paling penting bagi kami untuk membantu anda sekiranya kami menang dalam Perang Saudara? '

Dan para menteri, bercakap melalui seorang rakan bernama Garrison Frazier, berkata, "Apa yang sebenarnya kita mahukan adalah tanah." Oleh itu, di bawah Jeneral Sherman, apa yang dibuat adalah rancangan untuk memberi bekas hamba, pada awalnya, 400,000 ekar tanah, dan sebilangan tanah utama di Selatan. Ini adalah tanah yang dirampas dari pemilik tanah Selatan semasa usaha perang. Dan kemudian jumlah keluasan itu hampir mencecah satu juta. Dan diserahkan kepada seorang jenderal bernama Saxton dan Biro Freedmen yang dibentuk untuk membantu menyebarkan tanah itu. Jadi mengenai masa pembunuhan Lincoln, kira-kira 40,000 orang Afrika Amerika sebenarnya telah diberi tanah di Kepulauan Laut Georgia dan di dataran rendah di Carolina Selatan - tanah pertanian yang benar-benar unggul - dan mereka mula membangun cara untuk menyokong diri mereka sebagai sebuah komuniti.

Nah, Lincoln dibunuh, dan Johnson menjadi presiden. Dan perkara pertama yang dilakukan Johnson adalah membatalkan Perintah Khas No. 15 untuk menghentikan proses pemberian tanah itu kepada mereka yang sebelumnya bekerja sebagai tanah hamba. Kebenaran perkara ini adalah bahawa Afrika Amerika telah banyak mencuri tanah mereka dari mereka. Tanah itu seharusnya menjadi asas untuk menghasilkan kekayaan. Dan sekiranya ia menjadi asas untuk menghasilkan kekayaan, kita tidak akan melakukan perbincangan yang sama dengan yang kita jalani sekarang tentang bagaimana [untuk] menutup jurang ekuiti kaum. Pada hari yang lain, Biden berada di Tulsa untuk memperingati ulang tahun ke-100 Pembunuhan Tulsa, berjanji akan mengambil langkah untuk menutup jurang kekayaan kaum. Dia harus mengatakannya sekarang kerana banyak janji yang dipungkiri di hadapannya. "

Clyde W. Ford adalah pengarang 12 buku. Terbaru, "Think Black," adalah memoir tentang ayahnya, jurutera perisian Black pertama di Amerika. Foto milik HarperCollins Publishers.

Sokong KCRW - garis hidup harian anda.

KCRW berdiri dengan misi kami untuk melayani masyarakat kami dengan segala cara yang kami dapat dalam masa sukar ini. Kami di sini untuk memberi anda berita tempatan, maklumat kesihatan awam, muzik untuk semangat anda, dan hubungan budaya. Ikuti perkembangan terkini dan daftar buletin kami. Dan, jika saat ini Anda berada dalam posisi untuk mendukung usaha kami, pertimbangkan untuk membuat sumbangan.


Warisan Lincoln - SEJARAH

Webmaster dan sejarawan laman web ini adalah Rob. Seorang penduduk asli Lincoln yang tinggal di bawah jalan penerbangan Lapangan Terbang Lincoln sepanjang hayatnya telah terpesona dengan Perang Dingin, Komando Udara Strategik dan peranannya di Lincoln, Nebraska sejak kecil.

Juga berminat dengan teknologi, Rob membuka laman web "Sejarah Pangkalan Tentera Udara Lincoln" pada bulan Mac 2000 ketika berusia 14 tahun. Melanjutkan hubungan dan bertemu dengan veteran pangkalan, dan belajar bagaimana meneliti laman web tersebut terus berlanjut (dalam satu bentuk atau yang lain) .

Rob pergi ke sekolah dan memberi tumpuan kepada pelancongan sejarah. Dia menjalani latihan di Tapak Bersejarah Peluru berpandu Minuteman National Park Service pada tahun 2009.

Rob kini menjadi Penyelia Tapak Tapak Bersejarah Negeri Ronald Reagan Minuteman Missile berhampiran Cooperstown, North Dakota. Komitmennya terhadap sejarah Lincoln AFB tidak tergoyahkan dan segera berharap dapat menerbitkan sejarah pangkalan.


"Sekiranya Anak itu membebaskan kamu, kamu pasti akan bebas."

Ayat ini dari Injil John adalah cogan kata The Lincoln University. Terletak di antara ladang dan perbukitan di selatan Chester County, universiti ini memberikan penekanan moto pada kebebasan untuk hati. Sebagai Kolej Sejarah dan Universiti Sejarah yang memberikan ijazah pertama (HBCU), Universiti Lincoln membuka jalan ke pendidikan tinggi bagi lelaki Afrika Amerika yang sebelumnya tidak tersedia bagi mereka. Carl Watton, Wakil Presiden Hal Ehwal Pelajar di Universiti Lincoln, mengatakan bahawa secara historis, istilah "kebebasan" menekankan "kebebasan dari [perbudakan]", tetapi hari ini penekanannya adalah pada "kebebasan untuk." Watton menjelaskan, “Secara historis, ini bermaksud kebebasan dari penindasan. Hari ini, ini bermaksud kebebasan [bagi para pelajar] untuk datang ke sini dan berkembang menjadi sarjana muda yang mereka selalu berpotensi untuk menjadi. "

Pada tahun 1854, Pendeta John Miller Dickey mengasaskan Institut Ashmun, yang kemudiannya akan berkembang menjadi Universiti Lincoln. Sebelum Perang Saudara, sangat sedikit orang Afrika Amerika yang dapat mengikuti kuliah berkulit putih. Sebagai kaedah untuk memberi peluang kepada orang Afrika Afrika untuk pendidikan tinggi, beberapa kolej untuk orang Afrika Amerika, yang sekarang dikenali sebagai HBCU, muncul. Universiti Lincoln, seperti kebanyakan HBCU lain, ditubuhkan sebagai institusi swasta. HBCU sering disokong oleh pertubuhan misi agama utara dan organisasi dermawan agama Afrika Amerika. Oleh kerana pendidikan menengah awam untuk orang Afrika Amerika terhad di Selatan, HBCU awal juga menyediakan kursus persediaan di peringkat sekolah rendah dan sekolah menengah. Sebilangan besar tidak menawarkan kursus perguruan selama beberapa tahun sehingga pelajar mempunyai pengetahuan persediaan yang diperlukan. Universiti Lincoln unik kerana menawarkan pendidikan peringkat kolej kepada lelaki Afrika Amerika sebelum HBCU lain, menjadikannya sebutan sebagai sekolah penerima ijazah pertama seumpamanya.

Walaupun pelajar tidak lagi ditolak dari pengajian tinggi atas dasar kaum, HBCU masih memainkan peranan penting dalam mendidik pelajar Afrika Amerika. Mewakili hanya tiga peratus daripada semua institusi pengajian tinggi, lebih daripada seratus HBCU lulus hampir dua puluh peratus pelajar sarjana Afrika Amerika.

Satu faedah menghadiri HBCU adalah bahawa HBCU dapat memberi pelajar peluang untuk belajar tentang budaya dan warisan mereka pada tahap yang lebih mendalam. Courtney Clarke, seorang senior di Universiti Lincoln jurusan bahasa Inggeris, menjelaskan: “Di sekolah lain, anda akan mendapat nama utama, Martin Luther Kings, Thurgood Marshalls, tetapi anda tidak akan mendapat pemahaman penuh dan kaya tentang Afrika Budaya Amerika. Ini melengkapkan pandangan anda tentang pendidikan. "

The history of the university begins with James Amos, a freed slave, and Rev. Dickey. After Amos was denied admission to white universities, he was taught by Dickey in the minister’s house. Eventually, Dickey founded the Ashmun Institute with Rev. John Carter, the first president of the university and Professor of Theology. The Ashmun Institute was opened to students on January 1, 1857, with four students enrolled.

Ashmun Institute gets its name from Jehudi Ashmun, a religious leader and reformer involved with the American Colonization Society. Dickey founded the Ashmun Institute to support the education of African Americans at a time when higher education was essentially unattainable to them. According to Horace Mann Bond, a 1923 graduate of the university and the university’s eighth president, in his book Education for Freedom, The Lincoln University was “the first institution found anywhere in the world to provide a higher education in the Arts and Sciences for male youth of African descent.”

The education the university provided to these African American males was strongly rooted in the teachings of the Presbyterian Church. In the university’s early years, the New Castle Presbytery appointed the trustees and faculty of the university. A majority of early alumni entered the Methodist, Presbyterian, and Baptist ministries, with many of the university’s students becoming missionaries in Africa. Christianity was embedded into the daily life of faculty and students at the university. Students were required to attend morning and evening prayers, sermons on Sunday, with optional noon prayer meetings. Though religion was a significant part of life at the university, all students were accepted regardless of religious knowledge. Throughout students’ course of study, the Bible was used as a textbook. Though the university is officially non-denominational today, the presence of religion is still felt on campus, with an active chapel and numerous religious groups for students.

The early curriculum at The Lincoln University was split into three areas: preparatory, academic, and theological. The Preparatory Department began as a three-year program, teaching Latin and Greek grammar and English at the level typical of public high schools. When slaves were freed and had greater access to secondary education, the preparatory program was condensed into a one-year program. The Academic Department, a four-year higher education program, taught Biblical and Classical Studies, Science, and Philosophy. The Theological Department was a three-year program that awarded students the degree of Bachelor of Sacred Theology (BST). Students were not accepted to the program unless they already had an undergraduate degree and the university later retroactively awarded the BST recipients a Master’s Degree for their work. Students in the Theology Department studied a number of religious courses, including Hebrew, Biblical History, and Sacred Rhetoric.

Following the Civil War, the Ashmun Institute transformed into Lincoln University. Millions of slaves were freed, with no education, increasing the demand for the preparatory program offered at the Ashmun Institute. With more African Americans eager and able to obtain an education, Ashmun Institute was rendered insufficient. Lincoln University was then developed in order to provide greater services while still meeting Ashmun Institute’s original goal of providing African Americans with higher education.

The amended charter of 1866 gave more power to the university. The board of trustees increased in size from nine to twenty-one. The maximum property holding rights and the freedom to confer degrees were increased. The university officially changed its name to Lincoln University to honor President Abraham Lincoln, who was assassinated the year prior. Cited in the catalogue for the university, the Board of Trustees felt, “it was considered an appropriate expression of gratitude that the enlarged plans and combined buildings of this educational scheme should bear the worthy name of [Abraham Lincoln] who did so much to lift the crushing loads from the mind and the heart and the body and the manhood of the African.”

Throughout the years, Lincoln University has continued to grow and expand. In its first graduating class, there was one student in its second, there were nine. Today, The Lincoln University enrolls about 2,000 students and in 2012, graduated nearly 500 students. The university grew from the original three departments to 22 undergraduate programs and four graduate programs. In its first one hundred years, Lincoln University boasts graduating twenty percent of the United States’ African American physicians and ten percent of the United States’ African American attorneys.

With the university’s growth, Lincoln University became more important to Pennsylvania. In 1972, the university changed from being a private university to being a state-related institution. According to the amended charter, the traditional objectives of Lincoln University, which include training people to work with the disadvantaged, are compatible with the needs of Pennsylvania.

By achieving state-related status, the relationship between the state and the university was extended. A state-related institution is a public-private institution hybrid. As a public institution, Lincoln University receives appropriations from the Pennsylvania government each year. In exchange, The university offers tuition discounts to Pennsylvania residents and includes the Pennsylvania governor and Secretary of Education on the board of trustees. As a private institution, the university is separate from the government, is operated under its own charter, and is governed by an independent board of trustees.

The appropriations from the state have become an increasingly smaller percent of the university’s total budget. For the 2013-2014 fiscal year, Lincoln received just more than $13 million in state appropriations, with the proposed budget for the 2014-2015 fiscal year leaving the appropriations fixed. In 1998, Lincoln University received $11 million in state appropriations, representing one-third of the university’s budget.

In that year, Lincoln University was near a state of financial ruin. The university president at the time, Niara Sudarkasa, misappropriated more than half a million dollars in funds. Once Sudarkasa’s financial activities came to light, the state withheld the university’s appropriations. Once Sudarkasa resigned, the state reinstated the university’s appropriations. With no major changes in the level of state appropriations since that time, appropriations now represent about one-fifth of the school’s budget. Today, Rita Dibble, Director of Alumni Relations at the university, says that the new president has installed a number of best fiscal practices to make the university more stable and self-sustained. These practices, Dibble says, leave the university “poised for future growth.”

In 2013, the university underwent yet another name change. This time, the name was changed from Lincoln University ke The Lincoln University. As part of an overall rebranding effort, the “The” was added to the name in order to distinguish itself from several other Lincoln Universities and Colleges. In addition, the school feels that “The” adds emphasis to the university as the nation’s first degree-granting HBCU. There is some controversy over whether The Lincoln University or Cheyney University is the first HBCU. Located less than thirty miles from The Lincoln University, Cheyney University developed from the Institute for Colored Youth, founded in 1837, twenty years before the Ashmun Institute would open its doors. However, the Ashmun Institute graduated its first class in 1859, more than 60 years before Cheyney University would become a college. While Cheyney University may have been around longer, The Lincoln University was the first to provide college-level education to African Americans, as the Institute for Colored Youth only offered a high school education until the 1920s.

The Lincoln University has strong ties with the civil rights movement. The university is located in an area rooted in the Quaker faith, a religious sect that had a long history of involvement with the Underground Railroad.

Just across the street from the entrance to The Lincoln University sits Hosanna Church, a stop on the Railroad. James Amos, the original student of the university, was a church trustee. His desire to become an ordained minister eventually led to the founding of the university. Today, the connection between Hosanna Church and the university carries on. Students, faculty, and staff support the small brick church through service.

The university is also tied to the civil rights movement through one of its most notable alumni, Thurgood Marshall, the first African American U.S. Supreme Court Justice. Marshall graduated from The Lincoln University in 1930 before attending law school. During his time at the university, Marshall became involved in civil rights issues. As a college student, Marshall refused to relinquish his seat at a movie theatre in downtown Philadelphia to a white patron. Following his time at the university, Marshall continued to fight for civil rights. Serving as the lead attorney for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) on the Brown vs Lembaga Pelajaran case in 1954, Marshall played an integral role in ending school segregation. This case, Vice President for Student Affairs Carl Watton says, “set the stage for the rest of the Civil Rights Movement.”

In addition to touting its status as the first degree-granting HBCU, the university is able to boast many other firsts. Eric Webb, Director of Communications, says that the university currently has more than fifty “firsts.” From the first President of Nigeria, to the first African American to hold both an M.D. and a Ph.D., the university is able to claim the title of being “the first” in many areas. Director for Alumni Relations Rita Dibble says that being the first is a motto at the university. “The challenge to our students is to define the areas in which [they are] the first. They walk in here and they are told about Langston Hughes and Thurgood Marshall. We ask them, ‘How will you be the first?’” Dibble said.

Students are taking well to the challenge set forth by the university. Tiana Robb, a sophomore student majoring in nursing, said “[The famous alumni] make us want to look forward to tomorrow. We want to keep the Lincoln legacy going.”

Many of them, Communications Director Eric Webb says, already are the first. “A great portion of our students are first generation college students or first in their high school class. It’s a nice mix of people that are first in their class, first in their family, and we treat you first.”

Students agree with Webb’s claim that the university treats them first. As a small university, many students are drawn to the intimate atmosphere and personalized attention that is available from professors. Robb explains, “It feels like a family. Teachers here want to help you. I found myself here.” Student Courtney Clarke echoed the sentiment of a family feeling, saying, “I wanted to be a name as opposed to a number. All the professors know everyone. There is a family setting here.”

The family community is something that students have enjoyed since the school’s early days. Poet and social activist Langston Hughes, a leader of the Harlem Renaissance, graduated from the university in 1929. Hughes said of the university in a quotation cited by author Arnold Rampersad, “[There is] nothing out here but the school and therefore the place has a spirit of its own, and it makes you feel as though you ‘belonged,’ a feeling new to me because I never seemed to belong anywhere.”

In its 160th year, The Lincoln University continues to make history today. Its motto originally emphasized the opportunity for freed African Americans to earn an education. Today, the importance of freedom still rings true to students and staff alike. Robb explains, “[You have] a freedom to do what you want to do to better yourself, the freedom to make something of yourself.” The staff has faith that their students will use that freedom to propel the Lincoln legacy forward. Webb says, “These students at Lincoln are going to make an impact. The people here today will be the ones making news tomorrow. It’s history it’s as basic as that.”


The Lincoln Legacy: A Civil War Times Interview

It is easy to forget that Abraham Lincoln was wildly unpopular during the Civil War among the Northern people, most of whom would have voted him out of office if it had not been for impressive Union military victories in the fall of 1864. The divisiveness of Lincoln’s policies and his ability to infuriate his political adversaries is often lost in the sanitized tributes that Americans unfortunately encounter when they first begin their study of the past at historic sites and in textbooks. We grow up believing in the infallibility of Father Abraham—and that is quite understandable. No one can deny Lincoln’s brilliant use of language, his fierce political savvy and his deep devotion to union. His passionate defense of republican government and human liberty, even today, is both spiritually and intellectually uplifting and satisfying. But in preserving the nation, Lincoln confronted immensely difficult philosophical and constitutional issues over his understanding and use of presidential war powers. One hundred and forty-six years after Lincoln first allowed the military to arrest a civilian and detain him indefinitely, some Americans are looking at the war on terror and the Guantanamo hearings and asking not only what Lincoln did as a president in the midst of war, but also how he came to hold the views and values that would influence his actions.

I recently took up these core issues with James McPherson, the most influential Civil War historian of his generation. I was also interested in finding out how he came to study Lincoln and shape his own view of the 16th president and his legacy. As is the hallmark of McPherson’s long and distinguished scholarly career, he shows a remarkable empathy for historical figures without losing his critical eye—he is interpretive without being dogmatic, and he makes history usable today without succumbing to presentism. P.S.C.

Peter S. Carmichael: What was the first book that you read about Abraham Lincoln? What impact did it have on you?

James M. McPherson: Probably Benjamin Thomas biography, which I think came out around 1952, and I probably read it in the late ‘50s. It was kind of an eye-opener because it blended a very nice writing style with really solid research. I’ve read quite a few books about Lincoln since then. Some of them have one of those two qualities and some the other, but it’s not all that common to have a book with both of those qualities. It still stands up today in many respects, despite being more than 50 years old.

In reading Thomas, was there something that made you think of Lincoln as a compelling subject for further study?

I suppose there are two things that would attract a lot of people to Lincoln. One is simply the story of his life from the log cabin to the presidency, to see somebody coming from a hard-scrabble background without any family connections making his way forward in the world. It’s a kind of myth of the American dream, which Lincoln not only preached in his own philosophy but also lived and achieved. It’s some of the Horatio Alger convention of American culture that I think attracts a lot of people. So that was part of it. The other part is the leadership he showed during war—steering his way through all the pitfalls and perils of not only a divided nation and the Civil War itself but also a divided North in which he had to both accommodate opposite opinions on what to do about slavery, what to do about civil liberties, what to do about the egomaniacs [laughs] of his administration, and to come out successfully managing all these things at the same time, at great personal cost to his health and to his energy, but he managed to do it. Both of these were—especially for someone at the stage of life I was (a young undergraduate and then graduate student)—very cheerful and optimistic and promising it’s a promising kind of story. One can be cynical about many aspects of history, but Lincoln’s story encourages the opposite of cynicism in some ways, and that’s compelling.

What Lincoln historical site did you first visit, and again what impact did it have on you?

Probably the first site, which is not exactly an historic site, was the Lincoln Memorial. One of the first things we did after moving to Baltimore in 1958, the year I entered graduate school, was to go to Washington to see all the famous sites, including the Lincoln Memorial. Ever since then I’ve visited about every site there is connected with Lincoln, but I suppose the Lincoln Memorial was the first. That made a big impression on me, as it does, I suppose, on anyone who goes there.

What specific historical questions did you feel you needed to pursue when you started working on Lincoln?

When I was two years into graduate school I had to choose a dissertation topic. I chose abolitionists, from the outbreak of the war through, as it turned out, the passage of the 15th Amendment in 1870, as my topic. So my first serious research on anything connected with Lincoln had to do with the abolitionist lobby, you might say, in the country as a whole during the war, pressing for a policy of emancipation from the very onset of the war. Most of them were very critical of Lincoln for his tardiness and for his border state policy, as they called it—you’re familiar with all of that. I think anybody doing research tends to absorb the point of view of the people you’re doing research about, and so, while I was working on that, I was probably developing a more critical attitude toward Lincoln. I asked myself, why did he rescind [John C.] Frémont’s [emancipation] proclamation, why didn’t he move more quickly, why didn’t he see, as Frederick Douglass and others claimed to see, that this was a war about slavery, that you couldn’t fight a war against slaveholders without being against slavery and so on and so forth. So, in my first really serious foray into scholarship that involved Lincoln, I think I took a pretty critical perspective of him. But as time went on, I began to see all the countervailing pressures that he had to deal with and the way in which he constantly moved toward a more radical position on slavery without appearing to do so—sort of backing into the future, bringing conservatives along with him. It took a while for that perspective on Lincoln to develop, but I now see that he probably was smarter than any of his critics on either the left or the right, and that his sense of timing and his sense of the limits of the possible, even in the pressure-cooker situation of the war, was pretty shrewd.

What are the conservative and liberal perspectives on Lincoln, and how do your views fit within that spectrum?

Well, the right-wing camp is, I think, much less vocal and visible in its perspective on Lincoln, but it’s predominantly a Southern conservative point of view that holds Lincoln responsible for having provoked the war in the first place, and second, sees Lincoln as a kind of dictator, riding roughshod over constitutional limitations on presidential powers, and third, sees the abolition of slavery, which of course they don’t hold Lincoln entirely and personally responsible for, as the provocation of this terrible war that led to 620,000 or more deaths in what was basically a needless conflict. Most of what the war accomplished would have been achieved anyhow by 1900, and they see Lincoln as having left a legacy of centralization of national power and a destruction of localism and states’ rights—a negative legacy for the future of American history. That, I think, is the conservative perspective of Lincoln in a nutshell.

And this perspective appeals to those of the Libertarian persuasion?

Yes, Jeffrey Hummel’s book [Emancipating Slaves, Enslaving Free Men] probably offers the best expression of seeing Lincoln as a key figure in creating the leviathan federal government that has destroyed civil liberties and individualism in American life. And the left perspective, I think, is similar to the abolitionist and black perspective that charges Lincoln with being a white supremacist. These critics quote his debates with [Senator Stephen A.] Douglas endlessly about that. They say he was a white man’s president, that he was forced reluctantly into emancipation policy, that the slaves themselves took the initiative in making this an abolitionist war, and that the slave perspective was supported by the abolitionists and the abolitionists’ perspective on Lincoln was the right one. Lerone Bennett’s book Terpaksa Menjadi Kemuliaan is probably the most outspoken representation of that point of view, as well as the idea that Lincoln wouldn’t have repeatedly missed opportunities to push the country more toward racial justice if he had been a more forth right, vigorous supporter of equal rights.

Where do you fall between these two camps?

I think both of them have a one-dimensional view of Lincoln that fails to grasp the multiplicity of conflicting pressures that in many ways constrained the options that Lincoln had. My own feeling is that if you take the American people as a whole—the white population as a whole—in 1860, then Lincoln was considerably to the left of center on racial issues. I think if you take just the Northern population in 1861, he was left of center, and he had a good sense of the limits of the possible. If he had tried to move any faster toward emancipation and then later in the war had moved faster toward some sort of an equal rights position for the freed slaves he might have provoked a backlash that would have undermined that prospect, that policy. So my own feeling now is that Lincoln’s heart was with the liberals, but he also had a skill for appearing to move reluctantly in the direction they wanted to go as a tactical means of bringing conservatives along. His famous letter to Horace Greeley in August 1862 saying that whatever he did about slavery and the colored race he did because it would help save the Union was an appeal to conservatives to support him. But when he uttered these words, he had already made up his mind about the issue of the Emancipation Proclamation. Lincoln was bringing them along, and so my feeling now is that he was very skilled at seeking the broad middle and building as much of a consensus as possible for policies that the radicals were actually demanding—without appearing to be in their camp.

Did his administration fail in any way? Are you critical of any particular policies?

I think that on one of the issues the conservatives hammer him on—civil liberties—he might have done more to restrain the enthusiasm of some of the people, first in the State Department and then in the War Department, who arrested a lot of people for what basically was free speech—speaking out against the war. He could have reined in some of that excess enthusiasm. I suppose a good example of that was the arrest of [Clement L.] Vallandigham. Lincoln didn’t even know about that until he read about it in the newspapers, but if he had been more on top of the issue of civil liberties—he was so preoccupied with the military dimensions of what was going on, let’s say in the spring of 1863 when Vallandigham was arrested, that he really didn’t have the time and the energy to devote to that question. But if he had created a climate in his administration to say, yes, we need to deal with the fire in the rear— that is, opposition to the war which actually harms our ability to carry on this war—but we don’t want to commit excesses, that might have restrained some of the arrests for what turned out to be pretty flimsy charges. And I suppose one can also fault some of his decisions on military strategy and operations. I haven’t fully made up my mind on that, especially in withholding troops from [George B.] McClellan in the Peninsula campaign to try to trap [Thomas J. “Stonewall”] Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley, whether that was a wise strategic decision or not. It is a very debatable question.

Let’s pursue the issue of Lincoln and civil liberties further. In your most recent book, This Mighty Scourge, you have an article titled “As Commander-in-Chief I Have a Right to Take Any Measure Which May Best Subdue the Enemy.” Can you give us an understanding of Lincoln’s expansion of presidential powers, and some of the things that his administration did to quell the dissent behind the lines?

The principal things that Lincoln did were, first, to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. He did that on an incremental, step-by-step basis geographically, starting the very first week of the war, enabling the military to arrest and hold in indefinite detention people such as John Merryman, a pro-Confederate Marylander, because they were seen as undermining the Northern war effort. Eventually, in September 1862, Lincoln also authorized the establishment of military courts to try civilians, and the most celebrated such case was the Vallandigham trial in May 1863. There were others in 1864 that eventually came before the Supreme Court, and after the war was over in 1866, in the Ex Parte Milligan case, the court ruled that Lincoln’s military courts that tried civilians in areas where the civil courts were open and operating was a violation of the Constitution. That is the principal area where Lincoln is charged with constitutional violations.

How did he justify these measures?

He justified the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus on the grounds that the Constitution actually permitted such suspension in cases of rebellion or invasion. The chief justice of the United States claimed that this was something the president could not do himself, but required Congressional legislation. Lincoln challenged that ruling by Chief Justice [Roger B.] Taney and said that this was an emergency measure which was justified by his responsibilities as commander in chief in time of war, and basically that was his justification—his presidential oath required him to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution, the only way to do that was to win the war, and that was a Constitutional duty that overrode all other duties and all other restraints on presidential powers. So his principal argument was a) the Constitution allowed such violation of, or such suspension of civil liberties in wartime for good cause and b) the president as commander in chief was the one who had the responsibility and the authority to do it because of his primary obligation as commander in chief to preserve the nation and the Constitution.

Do you think Lincoln’s perception of dissent on the Northern home front was, from what we know of it in recent scholarship, wildly off? Was it exaggerated?

It was not wildly off or overly exaggerated. It may have been somewhat exaggerated— I think that’s an area for legitimate debate among historians. I have a former graduate student, Jenny Weber, who has just published a book on the Copperheads, called Copperheads: The Rise and Fall of Lincoln’s Opponents in the North, in which she argues that they did represent a real threat to the administration’s ability to carry on this war, that Lincoln did not wildly, not even in a mild way, exaggerate the danger, but other historians have simply taken a different point of view. They see the Copperheads not as a threat, but rather as legitimate opposition, and that the administration magnified the danger for partisan purposes—that is, to discredit the Democratic Party—especially in the 1864 election. This is one of those things that can’t be proved one way or the other. In his two letters to Democrats in New York and Ohio in June 1863—growing out of the Vallandigham case and criticism of it—Lincoln argued that people like Vallandigham did represent a genuine threat to the Northern war effort by discouraging it, blocking enforcement of the draft and encouraging desertions. He believed, therefore, that getting these people out of circulation was a legitimate war power of the president. I’m inclined to say I’m 80 percent in agreement with Lincoln on that, but as I suggested earlier, there were some excesses in this. The arrest and conviction of Vallandigham was probably a bit of an excess, and in fact Lincoln realized that— that’s why he commuted Vallandigham’s sentence from imprisonment for the rest of the war to banishment to the Confederacy. Vallandigham actually ran for governor of Ohio, and a year later he came back to the United States and Lincoln left him alone even though that was a violation of the sentence that Lincoln himself had imposed. Vallandigham became very prominent in the Democratic presidential campaign of 1864. He helped to write the Democratic platform, so I think Lincoln himself realized that maybe the arrest and conviction of Vallandigham was an excess, and he tried to mitigate that.

We often speak of the Lincoln legacy, the Gettysburg Address and his redefinition of the essence of liberty and a broadening of who is entitled to equality in this country. You’ve already expressed some misgivings about Lincoln’s violation of civil liberties. Is there, in fact, another Lincoln legacy in this violation of civil liberties that changed the political culture of this nation?

Frankly I don’t buy that argument. Lincoln himself once said that he did not consider these emergency suspensions of civil liberties in a crisis such as the Civil War as anything like a binding precedent that would apply in the future, in peacetime, or even in other crisis situations—which he knew might be different from the crisis situation of the Civil War. And while I think it is in fact true that today some of the supporters of the Bush administration’s restrictions on civil liberties cite the Lincolnian precedent, I think that they’re citing that as a way of justifying it and not as a reason for doing it. In fact, the administration probably would have done the same thing if Lincoln had never lived and the Civil War had never happened. And I think that, even to the extent that some people might point to that as a legacy, it’s so far counterbalanced by the positive aspects of the Lincoln legacy—primarily the preservation of the nation through victory in the Civil War and the abolition of slavery—that if you add these onto the scales of the legacy, it’s of pretty minor importance.

I want to stay on this connection to the Bush administration. Is there anything to be gained by making the comparison between Lincoln’s use of war powers and the Bush administration’s war on terror?

I personally don’t think so. The situations are so different. The context of the times is so different. There’s been a lot of water under the bridge in the last 140 years, and to draw comparisons and say that there is a kind of direct connection between the two is pretty tenuous, I think. We’ve had two major world wars in the 20th century and other wars in which there were violations of civil liberties, in which the precedents and the comparisons, I think, are more manageable, more fruitful and more meaningful than comparisons with the Civil War. I am pretty skeptical about saying that there is a comparison or a connection.

Then how do we make the Civil War relevant to Americans today when thinking about contemporary issues—particularly the war on terror and what’s going on in Iraq? Do you feel compelled when teaching to make these links for students who want to find a usable past? As historians we feel that great pressure to be relevant, and I know that can often lead us to stretch comparisons and analogies. But at the same time we still feel that impulse that we want to connect with our students. How do you see the Civil War having relevancy, providing insight and giving us some lessons that we can draw from?

My own approach to this when I was teaching, or when I speak to groups and these kinds of questions come up, is basically to lay out as I do in the Lincoln essay in This Mighty Scourge, the last essay on war powers, what I think Lincoln did, why he did it and what the consequences were, and then let my audience draw their own conclusions. I would do the same thing when I was teaching, whether it was a question of civil liberties or when I would have the students read excerpts from the Lincoln-Douglas debates, in which the race issue was so central, and let them draw their own conclusions. I’d answer their questions about what I thought, but I wouldn’t try to impose any kind of an explicit analogy for the very reason that you mentioned, there are dangers of oversimplification and distortion if you do that. But I was certainly not unwilling to try to venture my own qualified opinions on these things if people ask me questions about it.

What is your next project?

It’s a study of Lincoln as commander in chief, the way in which he had a steep learning curve in determining what to do as commander in chief in terms of military strategy, political policies and the civil liberties issue. This essay will be incorporated into that book as part of it. I see Lincoln’s conception of his function and responsibilities as commander in chief going far beyond the military: mobilizing public opinion, maintaining a strong political coalition supporting the war effort. Emancipation comes into it as part of the effort to weaken the Confederacy and so forth. It will be kind of an updated version of T. Harry Williams’ Lincoln and His Generals, but it will be far more than just Lincoln and his generals because I think he certainly comes to see the function of commander in chief in broader terms than just the military.

How will this diverge from what other scholars have already said about Lincoln?

I’m not sure that it will. There is such a huge scholarship on Lincoln now that it’s pretty hard for anybody to come up with any radical new revisionist interpretation, but what I conceive this book will do is put together a picture of Lincoln as commander in chief that’s more well-rounded than any other single study now. I find that T. Harry Williams, for example, stands up pretty well in many military respects, but he does not talk about the emancipation or civil liberties issues very much. In another book, Lincoln and the Radicals, when he did talk about that, I think he got it wrong [laughter]. So I see this as a kind of a synthesis of a lot of different studies of Lincoln, but informed by my own research in the primary sources to try to see it as much as possible from Lincoln’s own point of view.

For additional reading, see McPherson’s This Mighty Scourge: Perspectives on the Civil War, Benjamin Thomas’ Abraham Lincoln and Jennifer Weber’s Copperheads: The Rise and Fall of Lincoln’s Opponents in the North.

Originally published in the June 2007 issue of Civil War Times. Untuk melanggan, klik di sini.


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